LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. I 



<^Aa/.. 




UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 



AN ADDRESS 



PEOPLE OF THE AMERICAN STATES 

It'HO CHOOSE ELECTORS. ...TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATES 
'VHO CHOOSE THE LEGISLATORS WHO APPOINT ELEC- 
TORS. ...TO THE LEGISLATORS WHO APPOINT ELEC- 
TORS. ...AND TO THE ELECTORS OF 

PRESIDEJVT AJVD VICE-PRESIDENT 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES, 

To which is added ^ 
A SHORT SKETCH OF THE BIOGRAPHY 

OF 

<^m. (©eotge Clmton, 

AND ,-'f 

/ 

SEVERAL ESSAYS, 

WHICH HAVE APPEARED IN THE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR 

AND OTHER PAPERS, ON THE SUBJECT OF THE ENSUXKG 

ELECTION OF PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT* 

AVASHINGTON CITY, APRIL 1808. 



INTRODUCTION. $ 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES, 

j^WHO CHOOSE ELECTORS. ...TO THE PEOPLE OF THE STATES 
\m WHO CHOOSE THE MEMBERS OF THE LEGISLATURES WHO 
P^APPOINT ELECTORS. ...TO THE LEGISLATORS WHO APPOINT 
' ELECTORS... .AND TO THE ELECTORS OF PRESIDENT AND 
VICE-PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 

^ An old man, somewhat acquainted with the history of oui* 
I government, and possessing some knowledge of the charac- 
ters of those who have managed that government, presumes 
to address you in the simple language of plain truth. —He 
presumes to address you in the several capacities in which 
the trust is directly or indirectly confided to you, of selecting 
the men to whom the destinies of our nation are for the 
four ensuing years about to be committed. — The selection 
of men who are to rule over us — the man, who as President 
(or as Vice-President, as the thing may happen) is to direct 
and give tone to the principal concerns of the nation — who is 
to give sanction to our laws — preside over their execution, 
and to recommend such measures to the other branches of the 
national legislature as to him may appear to be most condu- 
cive to the public good. — To the President when he is capa- 
ble of attending to the functions of hisoilice, and to the Vice- 
President when he is not, attaches the important duty of di- 
recting the operations of our armies and our navies (when we 
have any) the nominating directly or indirectly all the offi- 
cers of the general government, civil or military, from the 
supreme judge or the ambassador v/ho receives eighteen 
thousand dollars for his first year's service, to the post-mas- 
ter of uie smallest village — from the lieutenant-general to 
the youngest ensign — from the admiral or the commodore to 
the midshipm ;n, audit is considered that he has a right to 
displace every one of those oificers at his will, the. judiciary 
excepted. — To him it belongs to dictate to, and to instruct 
our ambassadors at foreign courts — to receive or reject fo- 
reign ministers, and to direct all thenegociaiions with them. 
— I'he power of rejecting treaties without consulting the 
Senate, seems also to rest with the President: fo that not- 
withstanding the constitutional powers, of declaring war and 
supporting armies, lodged in Congress, the President has 
it alwuys in his power to provoke and enter into a war when 
he pleases — with him lie the disbursement and expenditure 
also of all monies which are appropriated where the object 
is not spccinc.iiiy pointed out, and many nilliions annually. 



INTRODUCTION. 

the specific objects of which are pointed out. Indeed al- 
most every day exposes to our view powers newly invested 
in the President by legislative authority, as well as powers 
which either naturally or latently, consistent with the consti- 
tution, lodge in the hands of the President. With great cau- 
tion therefore ought you to enter upon this duty, of selecting 
the man or men who are to v/ield them. 

It is not a matter of wonder that these great and important 
powers (powers according to the magnitude of the concerns 
of the two nations far surpassing those possessed at this day 
by the monarch of the British isles,) should be grasped after. 
Powers and patronage so flattering, while the hearts of 
men are like thofic with v/hom we are acquainted, cannot 
fail to excite ambition, ready to pay corirt to them in differ- 
ent shapes and for*iis. No passion can assume a greater 
variety of shapes than ambition : it can be modest or bold— - 
reserved or open — candid or wise — religious or political : 
besides which, the heart of man is so formed, that it can flat- 
ter itself ; and the most modest^man can be persuaded that 
he seeks power merely to promote the good of his coun- 
try. With these considerations before you, how important 
is it that you perform well, the duty you owe to yourselves, 
to your contemporaries and to posten.y. How important is 
it that you probe to the bottom the probability or possibility 
of an exercise of selfish ambition, which Jias for its object 
the enjoyment of those immense powers for self gratifica- 
tion ; and the being able to bestow the jieculiar benejits ob- 
tained by management, on friends and connexions — men 
unacquainted with public life ; and those whose hearts are 
notcont&miirated with ambition are apt to say — " for a world 
I would not take the charge of those presidential cares and 
pov/ers, what could I do with them ?" and they seem to be 
so glad that any body else will, that they are but too indif- 
ferent as to their choice of who shall possess those powers. 
Such men ought to take the trouble to make themselves 
understand, that as men become accustoined to public life 
they lose that diflidence of themselves— they see that those 
presidential powers, or the benefits flowing from them, are 
somehow magically divided, and they are but too apt to look 
for their portion : sensible of all this, the wise men who 
formed that Constitution, to v.hich we are all bound by our 
solemn oaths, as v.'ell as the regard we have for our republi- 
can institutions, for posterity, our own interest and safety ; 
have fixed vipon, and we have constitutionally established a 



Speci^c I'tl'ocic of selectinj^ men to those iiTip©i't-ant offices., 
ih yoar hands is that power phiced, and v/hatcver attempts 
have been made to usurp from you this power, to anticipate 
the sentence you are to pronounce — t^ hatever means have 
been used to mislead the public will, to be expressed thro* 
you— every appeal is to be juade to your sound judgment 
and discretioji. Notwithsta-nding all that has been said of 
done by Caucus meetings, or by newspaper publications— 
with you rests the decision to be announced, as to the quali- 
fications and the merits of the candidates. I say merits, for 
let scribblers, who have no merit of their owp, talk as they 
please about former merii — merit is one of the best sureties 
Tiianliind can have for future well doing. I'he habit of doing 
wclK and the number of good deeds a person has done, are 
the best ussunuices that he will continue to do well. Not 
one of tiiose who insinuate that merit ought to be out of the 
question, in the selection of tlie persons who are to be Pre- 
sident and Vice-President, believe a word they themselves 
say on the subject. 

To you also it belongs to determine, whetlier conciliatory 
concessions, such as will best promote uatioiral harmony and 
guard against local prejudices, shall have \i''eight in this im- 
portant election — -and how nuich. 

With you it also rests to decide, whether the pretensions 
of any state, to the perpetual presidency — supported by the 
ascendency the great men of that state have gained over the 
little great men of ©ther states, shall be indulged. Wuh 
you it rests to consider ?.nd determine, whether it will or 
win not be for the best good of the nation, to indulge that 
appetite which, by indulgence, has already become voraci- 
ous. The state oi Virginia ha* produced a Vv'ashington, 
a. wise, a prudent and successful general, in a war for life^ 
liberty, independence, and all that is dear to man. To him 
the great powers of President were entrusted by unanimous 
consent for eight years. That state has also produced a 
Jetferson, famed for his attachment to republicanism, who 
has possessed those important powers eight years more, out 
of the twenty our government has existed, and the Vice- 
Presidency the other four years. These circumstances with 
others too lengthy to detail in this address, have fanned into 
u flame a spark of that local prkle which, although it may be 
latent with some, there is a specimen of it in the heart of 
every people. This pride h-is stimulated the peopie of that 
state to believe that Virginia geese are all swans. Virginia 



t> ' INTRODUCTION. 

gentlemen have a peculiar knack at making others believe 
them— -they have a happy facility of complimenting each 
other for their talents. In their schools their youth are 
taught, (^nd very properly too) to revere the characters of 
the departed heroes, philosophers and orators of Virginia: 
a very wise and patriotic course for that state. It is highly 
commendable to excite an honest and virtuous emulation : 
yet so far as these things go to rivet on the minds of the peo- 
ple of that state an opinion or belief that, in a confederative 
government, composed of seventeen states, things can never 
be right, Svive when the president is a native of that state ; 
they have a tendency to create jealousy, discord, and dis- 
union, which ought, by every possible means, to be avoided. 

In the course of the reflections which must occupy your 
minds on entering upon the duty before you, one of the first 
questions you will naturally put to yourselves will be — Why 
not appoint the man to be successor of Mr. Jefferson who 
lias stood next to him the last four years ? The man selected 
four years ago by the nation, as the most proper person, 
in case of Mr. Jefferson's resignation or inability to peji'form 
these highly important duties and functions : for it is evident 
th it the nation, four years ago, looked upon George Clinton 
to be the fittest man to entrust these duties to, in case Mr. 
Jefferson should resign them, or not be able to perform 
them. Mr. Jefferson does now resign them. Was the na- 
tion then in jest ? Is there any evidence that they were ? Is 
there any evidence that the mind of the nation is changed, or 
did they not then know what they were doing ? Or, has 
George Clinton done any thing to compromit his character 
within these four years past? Has any thing happened to 
derogate from the lustre of that character which has shone 
most pre-eminently since the dawn of that revolution which 
has given liberty to our country ? WHien you put this first 
question to your consciences, and it cannot be avoided, the 
others follow of course : the latter questions must all be 
answered in the negative : and if to the first question you do 
not answer, by saying to yourselves there is no ie*ison, you 
are bound by your duty to yourselves,- to your coadjutors, 
and to posterity, to find a good one. Predeliction of itself, 
is no reason at all; when predeliction is likely to operate, the 
causes of that p edeliction ought to be thoroughly examined. 
For myself I have listened with all my ears — I have read 
with patience whatever has, for many months, been publish- 
ed on this subject; I see three reasons only pretended to be 



iNTaoDucTio>r. 7 

o^'ered, why those powers which were by the nation, four 
years ago, in case Mr. Jefferson resigned, decreed to be 
lodged in the hands of George Clinton, ought not now to be 
intrusted lo the same Clinton, when Mr. Jefferson is about 
to resign them. 

The weight and application of what are called reasons for 
this withdrawal of confelence, I will here take the liberty to 
examine. The frst is, that he is four years older than he 
was four years ago : this, although it is really a mortifying re- 
flection to all who have passed the grand climacteric, can have 
but little weight with us ; although we perceive that we can- 
not run so fast, or leap so high as we could five, ten, or twen- 
ty years ago, we are generally allowed in point of judgment 
and knowledge of men and things, to excel our youthful ac- 
quaintance, lilodesty for the most part, compels younger 
men to keep back insinuations they 'are prone to with re- 
gard to our mental faculties being impaired — yet when a fa- 
vorite object is to be effected, those insinuations will come 
out which often provoke the repetition of the proverb which 
says, " young folks think old folks to be fools, but old folks 
know young folks to be fools." To be serious, how^ever, as to 
this charge of superannuation, a charge which the young and 
middle aged politicianfi^ who are the many and interested, 
seem very ready to admit, on any, and even the slightest o}> 
portunity, and without evidence ; a charge which there -re few, 
those only who are advanced in life feel any interest in repel- 
ling — I ask whether the steady, unremitted attention wiiich 
Mr. Clinton has paid to the duties of President of the Sen- 
ate provexl any thing like superannuation ? Not a day has he 
lost in the three years he has presided in that Senate, save 
those few in the hist end of a session which have by all its 
Presidents been thought necessary in order to give that bo- 
dy an opportunity to choose a Vice-President pro. tern, and 
thereby leave such an offker in office during the vacation of 
Congress, to whom in ciise of the death of both President 
and Vice-President, the administration of the government 
would fall. — Does the unanimous voice of the Senators, 
expressing their wish that he should continue their Presi- 
dent four years longer, prove any thing thing like superannua- 
tion ? — Does the cjucus nomination, however li.tle it ought to 
be reea-ded, where an almost unanimous wish was expressed 
that he should continue his station as Vicc-Pres •'•; t oi the 
United St .les and Pr<'sident ori'^:'. Senate fo. four lono;er, 

prove any thing like superannuation ?— -Docs the charge come 



8 INTRODUCTION. 

from those who are acqu-iinted with him? — Doesitcoine from 
his friends? From those who know him ? It does not — Thnj 
(his friends) nre all satisfied that his mental faculties are un- 
impaired — tliat his mind is as bright, and as ener;.;etic as at 
thirty ; that it is a repository of experimental knowledge — 
of a knowledge of causes and events as they operate on na- 
tions, on mankind in their smaller associations, or as individu- 
als; and that his judiTment matured and ripened by this 
knowledge and experience, is prompt and decisive. No! — 
The charge comes from his opponents, who view him at a 
distance only, who consider him as the ohstacle to their am* 
bitious views, the realization of their dreams of promotion — 
Among them maybe found those who considered t)ie mind 
of Franklin in its zenith at eighty, and him the ornament of 
societv. The second reason I have heard mentioned is, that 
a better writer and negocialorthan (Clinton, is named : and is 
this by any means prored to be the cai;e ? Have not Govern- 
or Clinton's public writings and negociations always done 
him the greatest honor : and lie has had a great deal to do 
in both. Is there any ^jHciracn of his writing which wii 
not bear a comparison wicii iuo:.<; oi" IMi'. Mor.voe or Mr, Ma- 
dison on eqijal subjects \ \ s.iy uici-c is not. As to negocia- 
tion, although i mean noc to spcuk 1.0 ' f.c di. paragomont of 
either of the gentlemen negociator:^ v, ho a; '> nicndoncd, if' 
success is to be considered as a crltcLioii of merit we iiavt^ 
nothing yet to bodst of fortliem. Let him that putteth on' 
the harness in the event of the battle, boast if he can, not him 
that is putting it on. 3nt suppose we were to grant tha^ 
1\\v. Madison and Mr. Monroe arc greater writers, or more 
acquainted with negociation than Mr. Clinton, is there any 
reason why he sihould be deprived of their lud dming hi> 
Presidency? Why not serve their country under Presiden- 
CUnton, as VvCJl as under President Jeiferson? 

The third reason given why George Clinton sliould not be 
the next President is, that amiijority of the republican men; - 
hers of Congress nominated Mr. Madison to that statioii. — 
There has been so much ?aid and written for and against tlia' 
caucus, and its unconstitutionality and auu-repubiican tenden- 
cy so fully proved; that I shall touch the subject bm lightly, 
in hopes to avoid a volley of the samekindof hlthand nonsen- 
sical abuse that the members of Congress have received 
who protested against that caucus. That anonymous wri- 
ters and newspaper editors siiould abuse and dirtifyone ano- 
ther, is not strange ; it is laboring in their avocations — Bat 



INTRODUCTION. 9 

when gentlemer,, public functionaries, conscientiously be- 
ieving il their duty to publish their protest against the ex- 
ercise real or pretended, by their coadjutors of a power not 
)nly not delegated to them, but forbidden by the compact un- 
ler which they conjointly act, are for this manly conduct a- 
3used, insulted ; their characters, and their motives traduced, 
\nd their patriotism denounced by hireling editors ; it augurs 
11 for the cause those creatures would fain defend — such con- 
iuct goes far to evince the prudence of men of tender, feel- 
ngs, in withholding their names from sanctioning opposition 
:o measures which are known to be supported by virulence 
md scurrility. It does much toward justifying an unjustifi- 
able apathy. Does it not argue that many of those who join- 
ed in the Caucus measures, did so rather than subject them- 
selves to insult, to nev/s-paper abuse and virulence ? That 
those v,ho have kept neutral and silent, have done so for the 
same reasons there can be no doubt ? Waving the unconsti- 
cutionaiity of the Caucus I will in this address, take the liber- 
ty to consider what weight it out ii bear on the minds of the _ 
people of the !iation, or the electors. Tv/^ity-two republi- 
:an senators, two delegates from territories, one federal Sen- 
ator, sixty-three republican, and tme federal representative 
met, besides a few other gentlemen who accidentally stepped in 
CO see the farce. Fifty-seven republican members and all 
the senators voted for Mr. Madison to be the next President. 
What is to be inferred from ail this, notwithstanding all the 
[jompous publications on the subject — publications, in which 
to swell the list and importance ot the thing, one gentleman 
IS named twice over, who did not vote nor never approved 
heir nomination. The names of others who were sick in 
)ed or a hundred miles from the scene of action, are added 
ibr the same purpose ; the names of others are also added 
A'ho now say that they went and joined merely to see what 
he state of the mind of members was on the subject, who 
lid not think of a publication or attaching any kincl of conse- 
juence to the thing, nor even binding themselves, and are 
low decidedly in favor of Mr. Clinton's election — some of 
(vhom have found it necessary to publish their recantation. 
Twenty three senators attended, for what? surely not to ex- 
Dress the wishes of the people of their state. Two Senators 
representing a state whose extremes are three, four or five 
lundred miles apart, can know but little of the opinions of 
he people of such a state. They are chosen by the Legis- 



10 



INTRODUCTION, 



latures to represent the sovereignty of the states, independ- 
ent of, and unconversant with the great body of the people. 

To be sure there Avas a quorum of that body, but no one will 
say it was a subject they were authorised to act upon, they said 
otherwise themselves. The members of the other house, who 
attended at that caucus to screen themselves from blame and 
responsibility, say that they were not authorised by the con- 
stitution or their constituents, to express any opinion on the 
subject. Ask them if they could express other people's o- 
pinions. They will answer, no ! considerably short of one 
half the republican members of the house of representatives 
voted for Mr. Madison, of whom, as I said before, many have 
since changed their minds, notwithstanding the reproachful 
behavior of the advocates of Mr. Madison toward them. 

What then I say does all this amount to ? It is evident that 
in 1804 tJie nation had, in a Constitutional Avay selected 
George Clinton as the man who should, in case of the resig- 
nation, death or inability of Mr. Jefferson succeed to the ex- 
ercise of the powers of President. All that this famous Cau- 
cus in 1808, to which so much consequence seems to be at- 
tached proves, is, that 33 Senators out of 34 — 57 Represen- 
tatives out of 142 and one Delegate disavowing any power 
to act for others have changed their minds without vouch- 
safing to give the nation a single i*easoii why they have done 
so. Vain men! they seemed to think that 176 electors, 
without ycf//72^ the reasons they felt, andivcrc ashamed to (-'^'-ii 
presfi, would blindly follow their dictum. But alas 1 manyl 
of these 23 and 57, have changed back again. — No doubt, 
many more will change. When the nominations for the of- 
ficers to be appointed this year appear, all will not be grati- 
fied. — 1 must drop it — I am inadvertently running into the 
subject ©f the Caucus again, or I shall surely provoke its 
scribbling hireling supporters. I only wish that all my coun- 
trymen would have as fair a view of the intrigues and intri- 
guers at Washington City as the writer of this. They 
would then sufiiciently appreciate the wisdom of the framert 
of the Constitution, in withholding from the members of Con- 
gress all agency in President making. They would saj 
with me, that of ail places on the continent none is so until 
as the Se.it of Government, for commencing the election.— 
They would duly appreciate the volunteer, the forbidder 
services, of those Representatives. They would duly re'tvun 
t*hose services, ' 

1 
II 



INTRODUCTION. 11 

The object of this address is, to stimulate you to enquiiy, 
and to the obtainment of a perfect knowledge of the subject 
before you act. After all the manoeuvres to carry a favorite 
point, it will be allowed on all hands, that a respectful har- 
mony among the states, and the keeping down dangerous 
jealousies, ought to have great weight in your decision. 
Read Mr. Clinton's modest replies to his friends on the oc- 
casion. He prefers no claim, he has thrown himself on the 
American people. The friends of harmony and union, claim 
for hftn. 

That this business which causes some anxiety, and much 
feeling, may be concluded in a mcinni^r promotive of the 
peace and tranquillity of the nation, is the sincere prayer of 

NESTOR. 



C 2 3 

FROM TfiE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR. 

Man rarely has a fixed chc.racter, till he hus descended t« 
the grave : yet there are some who, from the uniform deport 
ment of their lives— .the manly dignity with which they sup 
port their sentiments, and thee very action which they are cal 
ied on to perform, seem to set this rule of reason and nature a 
defiance. 

Amongst those, George Clinton is eminently conspicuous 
At this time when the world is convulsed to. its centre — whei 
the American fabric totters to its base, when aspiring am 
bition wills its self-importance, when mistaken and ill-judgec 
distinctions are drawn relative to the interests of the differen 
parts of the nation, when efforts are made to return to th 
rule of federalism both potent and alarming ; and when th 
true and only question appears to be whether we shall remai 
an happy, or become a dividded and distracted people, it ma; 
not be useless to speak of this illustrious character. 

In speakini> of him, it is not meant, to derogate from th 
worth and importance of others. 

He is descended from a respectable and worthy family which 
belonged to the County of Orange and State of New-York. His 
fatner was a judge and commanded a regiment. 

In early youth he was put to the law, and long before he becam^ 
a man, he rallied under the standard of his country and assisted 
Amherst in the reduction of Montreal. In this campaign, he 
nobly distinguished himself in a conflict on the northern waters, 
where with four gun boats, after a severe engagement, he cap- 
tured a French brig of eighteen guns. 

This war behig ended, he returned again to his favoritj 
pursuit the science of the law, and placed himself under ihi 
tuition of chief justice Smith, where he became a student witl 
Governeur Morris, between whom and himself, a difference r 
^f political opinion, has since wrought a separation. 
He had scarcely commenced as a practitioner, when in 1765|ii 
^ storm appeared to gather round his native land, and the tyj 
lie disposition of the mother-country was manifested--j 
eseeing the evil at hand, with a mind glowing with patri 
im, correct and quick like lightning in its perceptions ; and 
' time, steady and fixed to the achievement of its object, h| 
"loned the advantages of the profession to which he hw 
lucated, and became a member of the Colonial legislature ^ 
., he ever displayed a love of liberty, an inflexible attacHjl 
o the rights of his country, and that undciunted firmneghi 
^rity, without which t/ds nation never would have bet. 



[3] 

free : and which has ever formed the most brilliant, though by 
no means the most useful trait of his character. 

In this situation he remained, contending against the doctrines 
of British supremacy ; and, with grea.t strength of argument, 
and force of popularity supporting the rights of America till 
the crisis arrived ; Avhen in 1775 he was returned a member cf 
that patriotic Congress, who laid the foundation of our inde- 
pendence. 

While in that venerable body, which is never to be forgotten, 
and can never be sufficiently admired, it may be said of him 
with truth, that '•'he strengthened the feeble knees and the hand4 
that hung doiun.^* 

In 1776 he was appointed Brigadier General of the troops of 
his native state, and in the same year received from Congress, 
an appointment of the same rank, in the national service, vrhich 
he held during the war. 

In 1777 he was appointed by Congress to command theposts 
of the Highlands, a most important and arduous duty. The 
design of the enemy was to separate New-England from the 
rest of the nation, and by preventing the succor of the east, to 
luy waste the middle and southern country. Hud this plan 
been carried into effect, American liberty would probably 
have expired in its cradle. 

It was then that his vast and comprehensive genius viev/ed 
in its true light the magnitude of the evil contemplated : and 
he roused to a degree of energy unknown and unexpected. It 
was then that Burgoyne was, with the best appointed army ever 
seen in America, attempting to force his v/ay to Albany, and 
Howe was endeavoring to effect a connexion vv'ith him at that 
important place. 

The crisis was all-important and av/ful— Clinton by being 
elected governor, had just become the father of thatpeople — the 
only alternative left him, was, to preserve those connnitted lo 
his care, or at their sacrifice to prevent this junction and savu 
the nation. 

He did not hesitate. — In an instant he resolved, and his 
resolutions were as firm as the decrees of heaven. He determi- 
ned at ail hazards to save the country. 

With this view, when Howe attempted to ascend the river — 
Clinton from every height and angle assailed him. Homo 
driven by madness and a temper of revenge, inconsiderately 
landed and marched into the country, and immortalized his 
name by burning Kingston and other villages. The hardy sons 
of tlie north assembled under tlieimfnortalGates—th© junction 



[4] 
was prevented — Burgoyne and his army were taken— America 

WAS FREE. 

From this moment for eighteen years in succession he re- 
mained the Governor of New-York ; elected to that important 
station by a generous and wise people, whoknew hov/to appre- 
ciate his wisdom and virtue, and their own blessings. 

During this period he was President of the convention of thar 
State which ratified the national constitution ; where, as in all 
other situations, he undcviatingly manifested an ardent attach- 
ment to civil liberty. 

For the benefit of posterity, it may be well to descend to a 
few strong characteristics of his administration of the Stat* 
Government. 

A riot as violent and extepsive in proportion as that of Lord 
George Gordon in London, broke out in New-York. The untar- 
nished hero mingled with the mob to prevent excess, and allay 
the passions of the multitude. Tender of the livesjof a misguid- 
ed populace, for two days he submitted himself to this all-im- 
portant service, and prevented the subversion of private as well 
as public rights, and the deatruction of private property. Per- 
ceiving that the passions of the people were not to be allayed, 
the tenderness of a father yielded to the duties of a magistrate, 
and those Avho by his remonstrances he could not soften, by his 
energy and power, he instantly subdued. 

In 1786, a rebellion v/hich threatened a revolution broke out 
in Massachusetts— the rebels were discomfited, and in large 
bodies fled to Lebanon, New-York ; a place distant 150 miks 
from the city which was then the seat of government, and 
where then was Governor Cinton. Of this event he was infor- 
xned — not foreseeing the evil, the legislature (which was then 
in session) had not provided for the emergency, and the Exe- 
cutive was without power — yet go great was the confidence of 
the legislature, and so powerful his energy, that in less than 
three days he appeared on the spot with two' regiments of troops, 
and a competent court of justice and all proper and necessary 
characters attend:int ; and in less than tv;elve hours, the rebel 
army was dispersed, the faulty magistrates dismissed, and the 
offenders brought to punishment. 

When he assumed the reins of government in Nev/-York, 
the State was infested with many wealthy and potent tories. — . 
Few, (^f not he alone) were brave enough to assume the respon- 
sibilitv : — the State had but a sparse and meagre population, on 
the North river, with some tiilling settlements on the Mohav^'k. 
It rankdd belov/ the mediocrily., vrhilc it may now justly vr.i^k 



among the first States in the Union. Intiiis situiilicn he under- 
took to disciiurge the duties of the Executive, and it may justly, 
in a great measure be attributed to the bold, persevering;, hber- 
al, and dignined policy of this enlightened and able statesman, 
that this State has ris^i-ir. so much importance. 

To him it v/us ovrii-ig, that in the revolution the tory party did 
■•>« ■•. prevail in New-York. 

It v/as his noble and dignified policy tliat furnished the hardy 
yeomanry of the east, not only v. ith farms on a ten years credit, 
but a money capital to bring them to a state of cultivation- An 
act which does equal justice to his head and his heart. 
. It was he wdio devised the plans of finance which have placed 
the citizens beyond the calls of the tax-gatherer; and furnished 
[for them an actual fund of near four millions. He may justly 
ibe called the father of that people. 

It was he, who after having strove, in obedience to the law 
of his State to unite ^/crmont vnth New-York ; generously con- 
troledhis resentment, and effected her admission as a State into 
the Union, 

After the life of labor and usefulness feintly pourtrayed ; v.orn 
with the fatigues of duty, W' ith disease which then afflicted him, 
but Tvhich has happily been removed for the last eight years ; 
and with those calamities which are too commonly incident to 
life — having led his state to eminent, if not unrivalled import- 
ance and prosperity, he retired from public life, with a mind re- 
solved not to mingle again unnecessarily with governmental 
concerns, and to taste those sweets which result from r^llecting 
on a life well spent. 

From this state he was roused by a sense of duty, ^vhen the 
'struggle came on between the political parties of the nation. 
1 He had sufi'ered too much for liberty 2,y)A freedom, of opirdon^ to 
isee them e^^pire without an effort on his part. He loved retire- 
iment — but he loved his country more. 

Those called federalists, contended for rules and maxims of 
civil government, believed by the republicans (among whom is 
Governor Clinton) to be dangerous to civil liberty — at the 
head of the former was President Adams, who from a series of 
public service had justly acquired a high character. — At the 
head of the latter was the illustrious Jefferson, whose name is 
• the watch word of liberty, and whose memory will be dear to 
I every lover of America. 

\ It was impossible for the great Father of New-York to re- 
i main an idle spectator of these contests; the republican party 

A a 



waiucd his aid — -his cour>tiy, which lias always been dcarcv to 
him than every thing- else, demanded his services, and he 
listened to her voice. 

It was the wish of the rcpiiblicans to place him by the sideol 
Jefierson : and accordingly a dep\itation was sent to him at 
New-York. He lug-hly prized the honors of his country, but 
believing- that in a humble station he could then render heV 
more important services, than in one lofty and elevated ; with . 
that dignity and love of country which has governed all his ^i 
actions, he generously declined theoffer. 

The republican candidates v/ere selected. It was known 
that they could not succeed without the aid of the State of New- 
York — the republicans of Nevv-Ycrk could not succeed without 
success to the republican ticket in the city — and that ticket 
could not succeed without the name and influence of George 
Clinton. Of course, the elevation of Thomas Jefferson, wliich 
'■very repriblican so ardently desired, and which has proved 
>o eminently useful, could not take place, unless the patriotic i 
Clinton v.-ho had refused the Vice -presidency, wotild accept of 
'.he station of a Representative in the State Legislature. 

Again the patriot did not hesitate — .he sacrificed his domestic 
quiet to the sense of duty, and the wishes of his country. He be- 
came a member of the legislature — with him were carried the ' 
other members of the ticket, and Thomas Jefferson was made 
President. 

When he entered the threshold of the kgislaturc, he found, 
that in his absence federal principles had gained a dangerous 
influence in the State government, and upon the solicitation of , 
his republican friends, he consented once more to discharge 
the duties of Chief Magistrate. 

Accordingly, in 1801, he was again elected Governor, and 
completed the reformation of politics in his native state. 

In 1304, the people having lost their confidence in Col. Burr, 
the Vice-president — to produce unanimity and restore harmo- 
ny to the republic, Governor Clinton was elected Vice-presi- 
dent, by the same number of votes that elevated Mr. Jefferson 
to the Presidency : in which station he has discharged its du- 
ties with unremitted attention and universal satisfaction. 

A dangerous scnism tooK place among the people of New- 
York in the spring of 1807 as to their gubematonal election, 
and Governor Clinton's name was brought into the contest, Htr 
was then attending a sick daughter in Washington. He spokf 
to the people of New- York — they recollected the voice of thch 
beloved chiefs juid the murmur of disconteiit was silenced. 



in 

Of ail the revolutionary heroes and worthies, to him alone 
was entrusted the government of a state, and a command in the 
regular army. Nature gave him a clear and strong mind, which 
has been highly cultivated. Whilst he is wise from experience, 
age has not impaired his intellect. He is now, what he was in 
the revolution, an ardent friend of liberty, attached to the rights 
of the American people in all their various classifications : quick 
to perceive-— prompt to execute — devoted only to his country's 
good, invariable, and inflexible. 

His fame will be immortal — posterity will wreathe the 
laurel to his brow. May the present generation have wisdom 
enough to appreciate his eminent services! 

EPAMINONDAS. 

FROM THE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR OF JANUARY 2. 

AMERICANUS. No. I. 

Jl7io is to be the next President ? 

THIS is a question that concerns every free man in the nati- 
on. It is a question that ought to be met with candor, and 
discussed with open and unreserved liberality. 

Who are to be the next president and vice-president, is a 
question in the mouth of almost eveiy man ; yet, about the seat 
of government, there seems to be an avv'ful, mysterious tacitur- 
nity, in those to v/hom the question is put. The subject has in 
some few instances been started in the newspapers, and some 
names have been mentioned, without provoking discussion of 
any kind. 

The writer of this article is not one of those who think the 
nation is to be ruined by losing the services of any one individ- 
ual citizen, let his fame or his talents be in ever so high esti- 
mation. He felicitates himself in constituting a part of a nation 
which abounds with men of native powers and acquirements, 
sufficient to qualify them for managing the business of the gov- 
ernment of any nation, that had adopted, and become acquaint- 
ed with our form of government — he believes there are hun- 
dreds in th*e nation, who had they sufficient weight of character 
to be supported and elected, are in all respects well calculated 
lo do the duties attached to the high offices of President or 
Vice-president. The nation has roi- ressed lor ten ve.rrs, in 
power — ^in commerce — in wealth — in sciences, and in all the at- 
tributes of civilization, without her favorite President, W ash- 
ington— and for six years, without his favorite cGcidjutor, Mr. 
Adams; and, the world has been astonished at tie facility--^ 
tbe qiiiet,-— and the safety, wxtiti wMchwehave (in a ecus u v.?- 



[ 8] 

tional way peculiar lo ourselves,) transferred the government 
fiom the hands of one set of men to those of another, as well as 
put down those denivagogues, who have aimed at, or attempted, 
to usurp powers, forbidden them by the laws and the constitution. 

It is understood that our present President, cannot, 
consistently Vvith his own opinion of the necessity of rotati- 
on in office of tlie chief magistrate of a republic, stand a can- 
didate for the Presidency, the next election. Taking this 
for granted, it does appear to the writer to be proper, that the 
opinions and ihs. wishes of the freemen of the nation, v/ith re- 
spect to the candidates, should be known to each other. 

If there have been times v/hen it was necessary, in order to 
insure the election of republicans to the high offices of Presi- 
dent and Vice-president, to resort to|caucuses, where every man 
was to b(i pledged to support the candidates agreed upon by the 
iTLajority, although he might himself prefer others — there can 
be no need of such a measure now, when no other than repub- 
lican candidates are named : the principle on w hich caucus- 
in:^ rests, always smells too strong of aristocracy of the govern- 
ment, and control of the few over the many — the measure ne- 
ver fails to operate like packing the cards, and then calling on 
your neighbor to play. 

At a time when we have nothing to fear from any attempt to 
foist upon us a federal President or Vice-president, let the re- 
publicans without fear or trembling approach the altar of pub- 
licity, and talk over the merits and qualifications of the candid 
dates, and let the fitness and propriety of preferring one to the 
other, be considered with becoming candour, temper and mo- 
deration. 

1 will set an example, by naming all those I have heard spo- 
ken of and I will point out the man I would wish should be 

our next president. In the first place, I have heard the name 
of James Madison mentioned, as a proper candidate for the 
next President — ^he is the present secretary of state — he is fa- 
mous for the bold stand he made against funding the certificates, 
which had by extraordinary circumstances been wrested from 
the war-worn soldier, for little or nothing, without paying due 
regard to the equitable claim of the original holder — he is fa- 
mous also for being the mover of certain patriotic resolutions, 
which if adopted, would have given a deadly blow to the inHu- 
ence of the court of London in this country. 

I have heard the name of James Monroe mentioned, as a 
proper candidate for the next Presidency. He was a faithful 
and honest ambassador to the French republic, and met with 



[9] 

persecution from the friends of the former administration, on 
accomit of the correct course he had pursued, to keep up a 
good understanding between the two governments — he has 
since been a much beloved and applauded governor of Virginia, 
and our first miniser at the court of London. 

With either of these gentlemen for President, I have heard 
the names of Henry Dearborne, John Langdon, and Levi 
Lincohi mentioned for Vice-president. The first was an of- 
ficer of great merit in the revolutionary war— he was under the 
present constitution, early a member of Congress, and in tiie 
fourth Congress, of British treaty memory, he stood like mount 
Atlas, on the republican side' — he has been more than six years 
secretary of the war department, without the least reproach 
being attached to his name, even by his political enemies.—- 
The second gentleman was a member of the old congress, and 
served long as a senator under the present constitution— he has 
ever since been faithful to the cause of liberty, and is now the 
republican governor of New-Kampshire. The last named 
gentleman has long been known to be an honest well-informed 
republican, of the greatest goodness of heart — he has been at- 
torney general of the United States, and is now the republican 
lieutenant governor of the truly respectable state of Massachu- 
setts. 

The writer has also heard and seen the name of George 
Clinton, mentioned as a candidate for the Presidency — ausni.n 
has merit also — he has signalized himself both as a statesman 
and a soldier. The old colony, now the state of Nevv-York in 
which he lived, contained tories of more talents and property 
than either half of British America without it — and when that 
colony hesitated on which side to bend her force, the energy of 
the Clintons gave the preponderance. The venerable patriot 
I have just now named, dared to administer the government on 
revolutionary principles, at a time when most of those who 
wished to be considered whigs, chose a safer situation. No 
man in America has had so much experience in the science of 
government, as George Clinton. No state has risen from sa 
humble to so exalted a station as New-York, and that has hap- 
pened principally under the administration of George-Clinton. 

With governor Clinton for President, besides the name 
of James Madison, I have frequently heard those of general 
Samuel Smith, of Baltimore; Nathaniel Macon, of North- 
Carolina, and governor Milledge of Georgia, for Vice-pre- 
sident ; all men of distinguished talents and great revo- 
.lutionary merit ; men wlio have ifttood true to the cs^usc o£ 



[ 10 ] 

liberty and their country — ^but as it is universally understood 
that those who wish for a President from Virginia, are willing 
to accept a Vice-president from the northern part of the union ; 
and those who wish for a President from the state of New-York,' 
are willing to accept a Vice-president from the southern or 
western section of the union, it will be no more than proper [to 
settle the question (if possible) who is to be the next President 
iirst. Therefore, the writer resumes that subject, and gives his 
opinion, that under every view of it, the peace, harmony and 
interest of the nation will be best promoted, by placing tlie 
great, the good George Clinton, in the Presidential chair. — 
Having named that meritorious patriot, the writer takes the 
liberty to observe, that iilthough he entertains the highest re- 
spect for the talents and quuiihcations of the other candidates, 
either of whom he believes would perform the duties of Presi- 
dent to the acceptance of the great body of the nation : there is 
a kind of fitness in the 'Vice-president's stepping to the Presi- 
dential chair, which so highly harmonises with the feelings of 
the American mind, that it is not easily cancelled. There is 
another kind of fitness in the case before us. ^ The venerable 
Jefferson does himself honor by resigning the Presidential chair 
on the principle of rotation : — if rotation with regard to men is 
so important, how much more so must it be with regard to 
states. The constitutions of almost every state south and west 
oi the Hudson, recognize the principle of rotation in their high 
offices ; and it is regretted by republicans that the constitution 
of the United States has not adopted the principle ; as the sure 
way to perpetuate harmony and good understanding is, to dis- 
tribute the honors and emoluments of the government (v/here 
there are any emoluments) — for although certain parts of th^ 
nation may for a time bear with good humor any deprivations 
that circumstances may have seemingly forced vipon them, they 
are certain to break out with rancor and animosity at somo 
time, and that time may be vv^nen it will be most injurious to the 
nation. There is a course of rectitude with respect to these 
things which may be hit upon and pursued, which will always 
keep the nation easy and happy; if it is obviously avoided to 
gr-itiiy the ambition of any man, set of men, or any section of 
the union-— jealousy, discjuiet, and animosity will inevitably en- 
sue. ^This course of rectitude in the present case, the writer 
conceives, perfectly coincides with taking the next President 
from the northern portion of the union, if that suitable per- 
son is to be found there, and the writer thinks that the vencra- 



[11] 

ble George Clinton is that suitable person — this may be the 
subject of some future observations. 

No. II. 

MY first number after having expressed an opinion that 
George Clinton, our present Vice-president, is a suitable person 
for our next President, concluded with an intimation, that that 
suitableness would be the subject of future observations ; those 
observations were intended to be reserved in answer to what 
should be said against the propriety or the fitness of calling that 
venerable citizen to the Presidential chair. Whether from a 
determination to keep up that awful kind of taciturnity before 
noticed, or from a conviction of the propriety of the opinion 
expressed in the first number; nothing on the subject has ap- 
peared in any of the papers the writer has seen, except a bare 
republication of Americanus in several republican'papers ; some 
notice taken of that essay by the enlightened editor of the Rich- 
mond Enquirer, and a candid disavowal of coincidence of opini- 
on inserted in the introduction to the republication of that essay 
in the Petersburg Intelligencer ; in which the editor declares 
" that any ideas which may be advanced on the subject cannot 
but tend to assist the public enquiry and make clear the way to 
a judicious choice"— -and the advice of a federal paper to elect 
Charles Cotsworth Pinckney, for President. As the republi- 
cans of this nation have no inclination for a President of the fe- 
deral cast, nor necessity to look for talents nor qualifications 
•without the pale of their own profession, and as it is to repub- 
licans the writer directs the question, who is to be the next 
President, he will take no notice of the nomination of Mr. 
Pinckney. 

The eloquent editor of the Enquirer, whose paper is often con- 
sidered semi-official ; after informing the public that our present 
President cannot, nor ought to be a candidate at the next elec- 
tion, te.ils us "that it is perhaps fortunate so little discussion 
has taken place ; for discussion might produce contrariety of 
opinion." He seems to felicitate himself in the belief that the 
public mind has been diverted from this peculiarly delicate and 
interesting subject; this dignified editor says, the republican 
papers have hitherto preserved a marked and dignified silence , 
this is the first time I have seen silence on a subject acknow- 
ledged to be extremely interesting, made a merit ot. The lear» 
ned editor is quite right when he tells us that discussion might 
produce contrariety of opinion. 

Why is thiswise editor so much afraid of discussion; s« 



[12] 

much .concerned about the expression of contrary opinions ^^ 
Tins dig-nified silence, so emphatically recommended, the 
wrjiter calls awful taciturnity 1 Does the editor think the ques- 
tion, who is to be the next president, a subject above the com-^ 
prehension or beyond the discussion of the American people T 
Does he think the subject cannot be discussed with candor, or 
does he wish to keep up this dignified silence, until the repub- 
lican members of Congress are hurried into a caucus in which 
a precaucussed m.ajority shall be able to force the nomination 
of a candidate of his own choice on the nation ? 

Although the writer of Am ericanus differs in opinion from 
the editor of the Enquirer as to the propriety of the Americim 
people discussing the question ; of who is to be the next Presi- 
dent — although he does not approve of the dignified silence so 
highly recommended by that editor — he perfectly coincides 
with him in the importance of limiting in a constitutional way 
the te^'m for which a President can serve ; he believes with the 
venerable Pendleton, that the danger "is not over until the 
Presidency is cvit down to a term of four years ;" he has often 
wondered that this subject has not engaged the attention of a 
republican Congress v/ithin the last six years ; he thinks that 
some part of the first five weeks of the present session might 
have been better employed on this subject than on building a 
bridge over the Potomack ; in disputing about the Baltimore 
contested election ; and the extension of the right of suffrage 
to the people of the Mississippi territoiy. Until the term for 
which a President can serve is limited by the constitution ; the 
writer of this article will be opposed to the election of any per- 
son, to the Presidency, who has not arrived at the age of sixty 
five ; he views with an eye of republican jealousy the great 
power vested in the President of the United States ; he sees no 
probability of reducing those powers, and he is at a loss where 
many of them could be deposed with more safety ; he has been 
acquainted with a state of things where the power of appoint- 
ment to all offices was lodged with a popular assembly; he has 
seen the man whose art and address gave him an ascendancy in 
the business of appointments courted; his opinions yielded to, 
and himself fawned upon, for no other reason than this ascend- 
ancy. He has seen the powers of appomtment in a popular as- 
sembly create party animosity, dissention, and turmoil, and in 
tills way, unworthy characters too often promoted to office, and 
at the same time the promoters of such appointments entirely 
clear from responsi' ility. 

The power of nominating all the officers of the federal go- 



verBtncnt, wielded by a man of art and intrigue, is sufficient 
of itself to enable the President to ensure his re-election as 
often as he 'pleases. The writer asks, is there not danger 
then, that a young or middle-aged man, taking advantage of 
repeated elections, may, when using tlie other means in his 
power, get himself elected for lite and the nation in that way 
become saddled with a monarchy ? Had John Adams avoided 
persecution, and used the power of appointment to the best 
advantage, for his own interest, he would have been President 
of the United States at this day, in spite of all his follies and 
madness. 

One of the reasons which inclines the writer to favor the 
election of Governor CUnton, to the next Presidency, is, his 
advanced age : he has arrived at that time of life when ambi- 
tion loses its appetite for everything, save thc^consciousness of 
having done his country service, and the gratification of hear- 
ing in his last moments the pleasing sound of " farewell thou 
good and faithful servant:'* he will enter on the duties of the 
office, with all the experience of a great statesman, and the 
energy of a war-worn general ; with a head stored full of the 
kno^^ ledge of past events, their causes, and their consequences; 
with mental faculties as bright as at thirty ; without a thought 
of perpetuating the powers and the emoluments of office, and 
with a knowledge that to the rotation principle he is measura- 
bly beholden for his elevation ; he will therefore be most like- 
ly to foster that principle, until we may happily get it ingrafted 
into our constitution. To see this effected, will give pleasure 
to no one more than to Americanus. 

No. III. 
JTho is tQ be the nejct PresideTtt? 
THIS question still retains at the seat of the General Go- 
vernment, the magic power of rendering speechless almost 
every person to wh®m it is addressed. There are however, a 
few, who dare to reply, that "the subject, is a very delicate 
one ; that the republican members of Congress are to have a 
caucus to decide it 1" According to them, the characters and 
qualifications of those who are to preside over the American 
people, are subjects too delicate for the deliberation of those 
veiy people — too sublime tor their contemplation or compre- 
hension 1 ! Are the citizer.s of the United States to be silent 
respecting thisimport»aitquestion, until certain gc7itUmcn have 
hftd a caucus, in which all shall be bound to support Uie opirjor. 

B 



c «o 

of the majority f imtilthisband, operating through themedium 
of its influence, shall call a second and a larger caucus, binding 
those whom they have thus initiated, to support the opinion 
of that majority, and so proceed till they are strong enough 
and are ready to invite the body of the republican members 
to assist them in performing a solemn pantomime, the plot 
of which has, perhaps, been long concerted, and the parts 
assigned to eveiy player in their own Green Room ? And 
are the American people to stand mute until the oracle shall 
announce from the Capitol, a name selected in this way, cor- 
responding with the ambitious views of those who mean to 
give us a caucus president ? I hope not. 

Supposing pre-concert and pre-caucussing outof the ques- 
tion, docs it comport with the ideas often expressed of the 
dignity of the American people, and of their competency to 
chuse for themselves— to mock them with a candidate for 
their Presidency, designated by a. majority of a caucus, com- 
posed of the whole delegation of some of the states, and but 
one half of the others, with the total exclusion of the re- 
presentation of two of them ? How can one half the re- 
presentatives of a state justify themseWes in joining an 
association in which they deprive the other half of th» 
influence they are entitled to, on the score of population 
- — of actual pecuniary contributions and military strength ? 
How can they be justified in making an election of a 
President and Vice-president, (for however such a measure 
■may be disguised, it is intended as a3i election) without 
a single voice from two important states?— 'Are the re- 
publicans of these states, becau^ they do not constitute a 
majority, to have no voice in the election, notwithstanding 
the constitution has secured to the freemen of all the states a 
vote on this all-important question?— This right is guaran- 
teed to them to be exercised directly or indirectly, agreeably 
to the mode pointed out by their state legislatures. If there 
were not many other weighty reasons against making a cau- 
cus President ; modesty, if consulted, would tell those gen- 
tlemen who can carry the whole delegation from their state 
into caucus, that it is too bare-faced to invite those republican 
members who can carry but half their representation with 
them, to join in their decision, merely to obtain a sanction to 
the doings of so»io previous caucus. 

When there was danger of an aristocratic President ot 
Vice-president, this usurpation of the rights of the people and 
of tlieir constitutional agents, however unjustifiable, might j 



i '5 J 

have had some apology— it can have none now, as no division 
of the republicans can inspire the most remote hope iu their 
opponents, that they can influence the choice of a President. 

One of the maxims of republicanism, is, that the will of the 
majority shall govern— that will can never fail to be respect- 
ed when fairly and honestly ascertained — it is only when a 
nominal majority is oh^tained by chicane and indirect means 
tliat republicans can disagree or contend. Such artifices ns 
enable partizans to induce the belief of a majority which does 
not exist, will ever be causes of dissention and division ; they 
ought to be detected, that the snare may he avoided. In the 
present case, let the will of the nation be constitutionally dc - 
Glared, without any attempts to corrupt and forestall that will, 
and all will be satisfied — all will be quiet — all will be safe. On 
the other hand, let aPresident be nominated by any other me- 
thod, with whatever cunning, management or address it may be 
done, it will not, it cannot be forgotten: republican vigilance will 
detect, and republican vengeance, (slow but 3ur«) will not fail to 
overtake those, withivhom tlie improper impulse originated. 

In nominating for President the venerable George Clinton, 
who stands in the view of the American people on the next 
step to that station ; the writer intended to draw forth the 
opinions of other republicans, with a determination, although 
iocal considerations are favorable to his election, yet if any other 
person should appear to stand higher in point of correct pa- 
triotic principles; of meritorious actions ; of knowledge of 
the human heart, and of those means by which the national 
honor may best be defended, and the individual rights of its citi- 
zens maintained ; he would cheerfully support that man. — 
No attempt has yet been made to shew the public that such 
a one exists, yet he is convinced that a coup de jnain is intend- 
.ed — that the republicans are by and by to be called, in the 
name of unanimity, and every thing that is sacred, to rally 
round a candidate named by a majority obtained i^ the most 
anti-republican way imaginable. The v/riter is the more 
.convinced of this, on. reading what he calls an attack on 
James Monroe, in the Enquirer^ pjublished in Richmoaci- 
which, although very plausible, and extremely coinpiimeuti.- 
ry, is evidently intended to drive that gentlemyii to decline a 
competition for the Presidency, notwithstanding tho.^e who 
Ihink him well qualified for that important trust should do- 
sire it. — 1 hope that essayist will be disappointed. Ib it con- 
genial with the spirit of republicanism, thus artfully to endea- 
vor ^ destroy the hopes ofthoh-o 'rh-o think hirc-ibs^t c'^l,ci> 



lated for the chief magistracy ? — Monroe stands high io the 
estimation of his country, and should it indeed be found ne- 
cessary to take our Presidents frmn Virginia for twenty years 
out of twenty-four, and probably for t\venty-four out of twenty- 
eight years, I would wish him to be the man, and it is the 
desire of many others beside thbse few the Richmond writer 
talks of. And shall they be deprived of an opportunity of 
attempting to support their ^second choice, if they should find 
it proper to yield their ^r^^ — certiunly not. 

FROM THE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR OP JANUARY 23. 

No. IV. 
IVho is to be the next President ? 
IT has given the author no small pleasure to see the layS" 
tic veil removed, which has hitherto enshrouded this import- 
ant question. 

It is the duty of republicans to investigate the merits and 
qualitications of the respective candidates for the national 
choice, and to abide by the decision when constitutionally 
declared. Such discussion, when conductetl with decency 
and candor, cannot fail to have its due weight on the minds 
of those v/ho choose the electors, as well as on the electors 
themselves. 

I have also been gratified to see so many republican pa- 
pers opposed to a caucus President — this measure, -with 
which we are every day threatened, is so dishonest, and so 
incompatible with the duties of the members of Congress, 
that it could not be believed, but from the reiterated assuran- 
ces oi the best informed m.en that such a thing would be at- 
tempted. 

The constitution of the United States, which the mem- 
bers have sworn to support, expressly says, that, "No Sen- 
ator, or Representative, or person holding an office of trust 
or p^fitunder the United States, shall be appointed an elect- 
or of President or Vice-president." Can any of the members 
'x)f Congress, notwithstanding; this solemn injunction, assem- 
ble m the Capitol, in the dead hour of the night, and there 
ballot for those who arc to be announced to the nation as the 
future President and Vice-president? 

Who among them will be bold cno^igh to call tlieir fel- 
low members to such a meeting? Who among them will 
dare to\)rder the door-keepers to inake preparations for this 
unlawful assemblage ? 

The constitutional i^v;- ' :: ^- ''^ r^Hcnt^ ibunded or. 



/ 

the impropriety of their Interfering in th-c nominatjon; it was 
founded on a conviction in the minds of the framers of that 
sacred book, that members of Congress, as well as placemen, 
were subject to an improper bias — a very rational convictiou 
indeed! 

Personal favors and attentions go as far -with members of 
Congress in forming- predilections, as with other men ; and 
it is because they are more in the way of receiving them, 
that they are forbidden to interfere in the election. It is 
because the framers. of the constitution knew that ihey would 
be in the habit of associating with men in power, and men 
seeking for power; of feasting at their tables, and participa- 
ting in their banquets — that the constitutional provision was 
thought necessary to keep them out of the electoral colleges. 
Hardy indeed must those men be, who after this injunction 
shall attempt to usurp by anticipation, the very powers they 
are so strictly forbidden to aspire to, and then publish to the 
world their manifesto in favor of a candidate, on whose boun- 
ty they have so often regaled. 

No ! it is impossible — it is as offensive to tlie laws of de- 
cency, as it is contrary to the constitution. 

It is enough for the members of Congress to carry home 
their own prejudices and prepossessions^ and to be able tocK- 
ercise their influence in the appointment of electors-— and 
■with those electors, in favor of those friendships, which were 
commenced in their moments of conviviality, and riveted 'm 
their nightly revels. 

At home, they have time to reflect on the subject : they 
mix with a well informed yeomanry, jealous of their rights ; 
the basis of those friendships is examined, and their influence 
has its due weight and not much more. 

It may however be said, that the constitution has allowed 
the members of Congress under certain circumstances, to 
elect the President and Vice-president — it is true that after 
directing the nomination to be made by persons elected in 
such manner as the legislatures of the states ma.y prescribe, 
it has provided, that in case the electi}rs have not ^iven a 
majority of all their votes foronamaji; the house of J?epi^- 
sentatives is thcFi to decide which of* the l\ighest candidates 
shall be President : and in like manner, the Senate is autho* 
rised to select the Vice-president when no choice is made by 
the electors. 

This selection Is made InbeJ-ialf of -the estates; eAc1aatal« 



k '6 J 

reserving to itself an equal voice., the r.^'^'^'-t state ^f \"iir<2li\:\ 
halving no more power, than the little slate of Del r . — 
Will the advocates for a caucus President attempt to iustify 
themselves in assuming the nominadon byvirttre of this pro- 
vision, which is only intended to operate under the circum- 
stances referred to ? I believe not. The "nomination is the 
object of the caucus — this is what the constitution expressly 
forbids the members of Congress to meddle with : when they 
are permitted to interfere, they are to range themselves in 
states, giving seventeen votes. Tli« object of the caucus is 
to act without two states totally, and v*'ith no more than about 
half of some others, to obtain twenty four votes from one state 
and but three or four from -others. 

Perhaps it may be said, that Thomas Jefferson was nomi- 
nated by a republican cauciis, and that the citizens of the 
United States were satisfied with the proceeding. The times 
then required unanimity, there was then danger that fede- 
ralism would take advantage of a division. The usurpation 
was noticed, it was reprehen^led, but it was pardoned. 

The case is now very different; three republican candi- 
dates are advocated; no national calamity is apprehended 
from the success of either. The friends of each contend for 
the superior merits of their favorite, the principle of rotatioii 
by states is invoived in the amiciible contest; foT amicable 
must it prove, if fairly and constitutionally -condiacted : but if 
unfair and anti-constitutional measures are resorted to, they 
will rouse the people whose rights arc thus invaded ; and 
create animosiUes v/hich will require ail the -moderation and 
wisdom of the nation to allay. 

What has been v/ritten, will orxupy too large a share of 
this week's Expositor, to allow me within the prescribed li- 
ir.its to take that notice I had intended of the ingenious pio- 
duction of a master painter, who assumes the name of Frank- 
lin in the last Expositor'; the avowed object of which is to 
exalt Mr. Madison, and to depress the veteran George Clin- 
ton. Here we are at issue. 

Although I do not wish Mr. Madison to be President until 
he shall arrive at the age of sixty -five, or till the constitution 
shall have recognised the rotation principle ; I am willing to 
allow him all the merit that writer assigns him : but suppose 
he had selected Mr. Monroe for Ms candidate, might he not 
have Svdd the same in his favor, with this addition— that 
Mr, Monroe, m the Senate ^f the United States acted ut least 
AS bold a part in favor of repiijjlicanism— -that he never of his 



f 19 3 

cwn wilU abdicated his station — that after having provoked 
the wrath of the i-nonarchico-aristocratic faction in this coun- 
try, by ingratiating himself with the government of republi- 
can France, whose friendship he had been expressly ordered 
to cultivate ; he scorned to withdraAv from the conflict, and 
suffered the cloud of their undeserved wrath to break upon 
his head ; while Mr. Madison was quietly enjoying a snug 
domestic retreat, in view of the passing storm ? 

Certainly that writer, if so disposed, might have said as 
much in favor of Mr. Monroe's knowledge and opportunity 
of acquiring information of the relations of this nation with 
others, as of Mr, Madison's. 

As neither of those gentlemen is my first choice, for rea- 
sons heretofore given and for many others which may be ad- 
vanced ; I will proceed to notice the great objection against 
"George Clinton. 

It seems he is too old for Franklin. When we are dispo- 
sed to find fault, we are seldom at a loss ior objections, in 
this case the writer was unfortunate in stumbling on the name 
of Frunklin to write down George Clinton on account of his 
years, who is but a middle aged man coin pared with Franklin 
"when he died. 

We have the testimony of the illusti'ious Jefferson, corro* 
borating that of many other of Franklin's acquaintance, that 
at eighty, his mind was as clear and as strong as at any for- 
mer period. This is twelve years more than George Clin- 
ton has seen: true, his constitution has been mnch injured by 
the fatigues and deprivations necessarily attendant on the ar- 
duous duties which fell to his lot, daring that war which gave 
liberty to our country: duties, which he performed with a 
zeal and alacrity which have justly endeared him to ail who 
Xnew him, ^ 

In the most peiilous moments of distress, when our inde- 
pendence was most jeopardized ; Washington relied on the 
aid and counsel of Ciintoa. He proved himself worthy of 
that confidence. 

Mr Clinton -has latterly enjoyed an \iniformity of good 
health, which is more common to elderly men who have ob- 
tained a habit of being careful of that inestimable jc;v\ el, than 
to younger men who have been less attentive thereto. As 
one evidence thereof, let it be remembered that he has ab- 
sented himself from the arduous duties of his station, as pre- 
45identof the senate, less than any of his predecessors ; and the 
«!%mfied inasmBr in "wiUck he iias i'ulfiil'ecl thx«« 'ckitks, must 



£20] 

comince every unprejudiced man who sees him, that his 
mind remains unimpaired: let it be understood, that the du- 
ties of speaker or president of a legislative body were new to 
him — these duties are-as arduous as can be conceived, they 
liave been satisfiictoriiy performed by him, and the urbanity 
and good humor with which he has frequently checked the 
members of the Senate in their wanderings, and called them 
to the consideration of the subject before them, has gained 
him no small eclat. I do not hesitate to say, that the duties 
of the speaker of the House of Representatives, while in the 
chair ^ are more arduous and fatiguing than those of the Pre- 
sident of the United States ; for this reason, that the latter 
has an opportunity of varying at pleasure his local position, 
and the subject of his thoughts; while the former is bound to 
keep his-station and listen attentively to every suggestion 
that may be oftered, however accompanied by impertinence 
or folly. 

This comparison applies much more forcibly in the case 
of the president of the Senate ; it being customary for the 
Speaker to be relieved by calling another to the chair, when 
the house go into committee of the whole. 

Yet persons coinciding with the ambitious views of Vir- 
ginia, have attempted to depreciate the meritorious patriot 
who was brought forward by the Virginians, whom the almost 
unanimous voice of the American people placed in the se- 
cond office of government, and on whom would constitution- 
ally devolve the duties of President of the United States, in 
case of the death or resignation of the venerable Jefterson. 

To the allegation of unfitness, resulting from his age, ad- 
duced by this juvenile Franklin, I reply ; it looks too much 
like an unfair attempt to sweep off from the political stage, 
a man of sterling worth, eminently qualified to serve his 
country, in the perilous times which threaten it. 

The importance of the subject has led me far to exceed 
my intended limits. I am therefore obliged to defer many 
of the observations which might be made on Mr Madison's 
pretensions to the Presidency, as well as on the last para- 
graph of Franklin's essay, where he says, "there is the rub,'* 
andin the true fashionable, sycophantic style, tells his readers 
that he looks upon the objection made to Mr. Madjison, " as 
one of those office-hunting, disorganizing, and factious ofipO' 
sitions^ which can only disgrace those who make them." 

In my next i will endeavor to show substantial reasons, 
why, in a :^ov€mment like oursj composed ol" state % thiere 



[21 ] 

ought to be something like state i-otation in the eleclion c#f 
President, and to exculpate President Jefferson from the 
charge of conspiring against the right of his coadjutor Clinton, 
CD be a candidate for the Presidency, and to succeed him in 
the usual course, to the highest honors and confidence his 
country can bestow. 

PROM THE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR OP JANVAUY 30. 

^ No.V. 

Who is to he tke next Prc-ndent P 
THE Constitution of the United States, in the second pa 

ragraph, second section, first article, says, that " No Senator or 
Kepresentativf, or person holding an office of trust or proiit 
under the United States, shall be appointed an Elector," (to 
nominate or appoint a President or Vice-president) — not- 
withstanding which, a newspaper, printed in this city, has so- 
lemnly aimounced that 89 members of the two Houses of 
Congress met on Sr.turday night last in the Senate chamber, 
and there, in violation of the constitutional Jirovidoir^ did pro- 
ceed to ballot for the purpose of recommending a person for 
our next President. The same paper proceeds to state, that 
during this transaction, they divested themselves of their pub- 
lic characters as members of Congress, without explahiing 
by what magical process this transformation was effected: 
neither did that newspaper state the authority by which the 
meeting was called. 

On first casting my eye over that statement, I supposed it 
ironical, until several gentlemen assured me that the sub- 
joined circular had been sent to a large majority of the mem- 
bers. 

On enquiring what answers had been sent to this extraor- 
dinary summons, I found that the membei^ generally were 
indignant at the monstrous usurpation, and declined answer- 

• ing: several however did reply. Two of these answers are 
also subjoined. Some went merely to see the farce, and in 
the whole, 64 out of 142 members of the House of Repre- 
sentatives, attended this Caucus, 6 of whom voted for Messrs. 
Clinton and Monroe as President; the remainder of the votes 
were either Senators or Delegates; so that only 57 of the 

, immediate representatives of the people have been seriously 
concerned in this plot against their rights. 

The writer means not to derogate from the merits of Mr, 

Madison — he, as well as Messrs. Clinton ainl Monroe, will 

no doubt cheerfully acquiesce in the decidon of the consti- 



[ 22 J 

tutional authority. He ought not to be blamed for the anti- 
constitutional proceedings of his over officious friends. 

I recollect my promise to Franklin, who in the third num- 
ber of the Expositor, says, he looks upon the opposition made 
to Mr. Madison, " as one of those office -hunting, disorgani- 
zing, and factious oppositions, whi'.li can only disgrace those 
who make them." 

Certainly he was unlucky in connecting the name of office - 
hunter, with that of opposition -man. 

After near forty years enthusiastically contending for the 
rights, and l|}^rtics of mankind, am I merely for preferring 
two other tmimpeached republicans to Mr. Madison, to be 
stigmatized as a disorganizer, an opposition-man ? 

This -^is another specimen of that dangerous sycophidic} 
which contaminates the atmosphere of the seat of govern^ 
ment : another evidence, that this, of all places in the Union^ 1 
is the most improper to commence President-making. The 
writer of this, never either directly or indirectly, sought an 
office for liimself, from any adminstration-— it was not with 
such views he gave his feeble aid to bring the present re- 
publican administration into power — he has ever opposed 
the vile slanders of its enemies ; he has zealously supported 
all its measures as far as a sense of duty would permit ; and 
In many instances endeavored to support it against the unin«% 
tentional slanders of its own sycophants, tlie real office-hun- 
ters. How long he will labarin this work is uncertain, as he 
is every day more and more convinced that it will be labor in 
-vain. 

COPY OF THE INVITATION TO THE CAUCUS. 
SIR, 

IN pursuance of the power vested in me as president of the 
late convention of the Republican m'eiribers of both houses 
of Congress, I dee,m it expedient, for the purpose of nomi- 
nating suitable and proper characters for President and Vice- 
President of the United States for the next Presidential elec- 
tion; to call a convention of the said Republican members, 
to meet at the Senate chamber on Saturday the 23d instant 
at 6 o'clock P. M. at which time and place you. personal at- 
tendance is requested, to aid the meeting with your kiSu- 
cnce, information and talents- 

Dated at Washington^ this \9th day} 
of January, \4. Z). 1 808. J 

* S- R. BRADLEY,. 



L 23 3 

MR. GKAY's ANSWBH. 

SJRy 

YOUR proclamation, dated the 19th January, addressed 
to me, has been received, and I take the earliest moment to 
declare my abhorrence at the usurpation of power declared 
to be vested in you— the mandatory style — and the object 
contemplated therein. I deny that you possess any right to 
call upon the republican members of Coni^ress or other per- 
sons, at this tini« or place, to attend a Caucus for the Presi- 
dential election. 

You must permit me to remind you, that it was a far dif- 
ferent purpose for which my constituents reposed their con- 
fidence in me.— I cannot consent either in an individual or 
representative capacity to countenance, by my presence, the 
midnight intrigues of any set of men, who may arrogate to 
themselves the right which belongs alone to the people, of 
selecting proper persons to fill the important offices of Pre- 
sident and Vice-president — ^nor do I suppose that the honest 
unsuspecting people of these United States, can much longer 
suffer in silence, so direct and palpable an innovation upon a 
mostimportantand sacred right belongingexciusively to them. 

I am Sir, 

Your's, Sec. 
EDWIN GRAY 
IVashington^ January 20y 1808. 

Hon. Stephen R. Bradley, > 
Senate United States, 3 

copy OF MR. lyon's answer, 

Washington, January 21, 1808, 

Sin, 

YOUR polite note of the 19th, requesting my personal 
attendance, with my "influence, information and talents,'* at 
a Saturday night's meeting in the Senate Chamber, I found 
on my table this morning. Feeling it a duty I owe to your 
politeness (as I shall not be able to attead the convention, as 
you are pleased to christen it) to state to you and the honor- 
able gentlemen who may collect on the occasion, some of 
the reasons which will prevent my attendance — I will pro- 
ceed to observe, that having attentively perused the constitu- 
tion, I do not find a convention of the Senate and House of 
Representatives is authorised or recognized in that book — of 
course I do not consider that I am bound to attend. 

Another reason is, the constitution, in th© first section of 



[24] 

the second article, expressly forbids members of Congrcs u> 
nominate a President or Vice-president, in the following 
words, "but no Senator or Representative, or person hold- 
ing an office of profit or trust under the United States, shall 
be appointed an elector." This prohibition was introduced 
for wise purposes no doubt, one of which was obviously to | 
disable the members of Congress from bartering the Presi- * 
^ency and Vice-presidency, for personal favors and attenti- ■; 
ons. ;i 

If a third reason were necessary, I would say, that for some ,'] 
time I have perceived an intention, nay I may say, determi- § 
nation in the members of Congress, to nominate, over the ][ 
head of the present Vice-president, a man in my view by no 5 
■means so well qualified to wield the high important powers 1 
of President of the United States. I consider this as an at- I 
tempt to violate and destroy one of the most correct propen- f 
sitiesofthe American mind, which is to suffer worthy and ] 
meritorious men regularly to progress to the highest trust 1; 
and honors, thereby encouraging that virtuous and honest 
emulation v/hich is the very soul of a republic. 

If there ever was a time for the strict application of the con- 
stitutional provision, I see it now necessary : the Vice-pre- 
sident,whose generosity is as it were proverbial, whose heart 
never fails to feel for the distressed, and whose hand never 
fails to extend relief to proper objects, has not excelled in splen- 
did dinners, balls, card parties, or squeeses at his house: he, 
has lived in the same plain republican stile,which our beloved 
President did during his Vice-presidency : the Vice-presi- 
dent is not the medium through whom applications for office 
are to be made, and that being a subject on which he is not 
consulted — he has no offices to bestow. 

With equal propriety I might add another reason against 
what I call a violation of the constitution, which is — •! have 
long «eentoo great a disposition in the members of Congre, a 
to yield to the ambitious propensity of a certain state, to per- 
petuate the Presidency in that state : this propensity being 
hi human nature, I do not mean to criminate it; but foresee- 
ing that yielding to it, will in some future day become a 
eause of dangerous dissention, and considering that I shall 
not live to see a time more favorable to an interruption of 
this dangerous perpetuation; I cannot humble myself to the 
situation of an out-voted minority-man, called there for that 
express purpose, where the number of those who meet is t30 
give sajiction to l^hat I consider a wicked purpose. 



I vcr)' well know that it may be said thcs« scruples arfe 
new to me, and that I attended a caucus in the capitoi four 
fears ago. I did attend at that time, but I hope to be allow- 
ed in common with my coadjutors to profit and grow wiser 
by experience. 

I learned something in that caucus — I learned that it wis 
not a convention where injiuence ivas ivanted—^Xhdit it was not 
a convention where informtition or talents were called for — . 
no, it was votes, ready cut and dry votes, that were called for 
—discussion was not permitted, or if it was allowed by the 
chair, it was disturbed by every kind of noise, clamor, and 
contumacy that could be brought into action : adjournment 
for consideration was frequently called for, and as often refu- 
sed — the vote, the vote, was the cry. Indeed, Sir, I have 
not witnessed a more boisterous meeting of pleasantly dispo- 
sed people, since a certain Saturday night assemblage, over 
which you had the honor of presiding about six and twenty 
years ago, where, after repeated calls to order, and votes 
empowering the president to keep order, " Almighty power 
was voted to you, which was afterwards reinforced by an ad' 
ditional vote ofjioiver** 

After the utmost research in the constitution and in my 
own memory, for the power under which you act, my dear 
Sir, in calling the approaching convention, I can deduce it 
from no other source than the Vermont Saturday night con- 
vivial convention. Analogy, and a desire to find an apology 
for an old friend, has brought the long forgotten frolic fresh 
to my memory. 

Your goodness will, I am persuaded, excuse the unadorn- 
ed address of a plain old man, who cannot intentionally be 
guilty of disrespect to you, or any member of Congress. \t 
any unguarded expi'^ssion has escaped my nasty pen, I beg 
you will impute it to any thing else rather than a want of due 
respect for your person, or any of the members of the Na- 
tional Legislature. M. LYON. 
Hon. Stephen R. Bradley. 

THOM THE WASHINGTON EXPOSITOR OP TEBRUARY 13. 
No. VI. 
Who is to be the next President ? 
IT appears that this ouestion, at this time, occupies the 
attention of the Virginian newspapers more than the de- 
fence of the nation, war or peace, the embargo, or any othe* 
subject. 

C 



li: 55 ] 

It is really laughable to see the solicitude with which 
each party (in its mad zeal for the perpetual presidency) 
advoci.tes the pretensions of its favorite cmdidate, to the 
exclusion of those of the present Vice-President. A stran- 
ijer on reading the numberless essays that have been pub- 
lished in that state in favor of the Virginia candidates, would 
naturally be led to suppose that whatever might be the po- 
pulation of the nation out of that State, it must consist of 
colonists ; and that the poor underlings were waiting with 
great humility and patience for the great m^en of Virginia to 
agree which of her sons she would give t© the nation for its 
next President. 

The pains taken by eacli party to conTince the other that 
their favorite would be most acceptable to the people of the 
•ther States, and the kindness they express in their wishes 
to accommodate the republicans of those other States in a 
choice, provided that choice be a Virginian, although ex- 
tremely polite in them, is truly ridiculous ; almost as much 
so, as the arrogance with which they insist that the people of 
the United States have a desire for another Virginian Presi- 
dent. And they pretend to ascertain this fact from the re- 
sult of the Caucus at Washington. Let us see of what 
materials that Caucus was composed. 

According to the Intelligencer it consisted of eighty-nine 
persons, who being sensible of the violation of the Constitu- 
tion they would be guilty of, as members of Congress, in 
thus encroaching on powers forbidden them by the Consti- 
tution ; converted themselves into '''- pri-vate indi-viduaUy* 
and there balloted for, iind elected the man they would 
choose to be the next President of the United «S/a;<'«— and 
him they did recommend to the people for that office. 

Notwithstanding the great deference I entertain for the 
opinion of the learned editor of '* The Weekly Register," 
I contend that balloting is for the purpose of a choice, and 
that choice is electing ; I need not repeat the words of that 
part of the Constitution which prohibits members of Con- 
gress from being electors, nor need I be told that they can- 
not, in January 1808, make a constitutional election. The 
Intelligencer and Register have both stated that those men 
did ballot — for what ? a choice. It was, to be sure, a mock 
election, a premature election, which they felt ashamed of, 
as members of Congre: s, and tlierefore attempted to divest 
fhemseivcs of their official charactere. 



I 2r ] 

A curious transformation 1 Had they effected it. before theV 
got iuto the Senate chumbei'^ ^ind had the honest old door- 
keepei' found a coiit ciiou of private individuals, (as they 
stated t^emselves to be) bredkint;; into the room of which he 
has the ch'^'-^^e, at 10 o'clock at night ; he would have turned 
them out of doors. 

It it evident, that notwithstanding their transformation, 
he could see them in no other light than as members of 
Congress ; and they may ere long be made to see that what 
they seem to have attempted in jest, their constituents may 
do in earnest ; they may think them unworthy of a character 
of which, by their own act, they have lately attempted im 
divest themselves. 

A^ter all attempts to divest the Caucus Members of their 
official character, their friends in Virginia and this city 
endeavored to puff the transaction into great importance; 
some of them saying, that as the election may come to the 
members of Congress at last, there can be no harm in their 
commencing it. The National Intelligencer in defending 
it, tells us, that to prevent the very great evil of suffering the 
election to come to the House of Representatives, the mem- 
bers may be justified in commencing it by Caucus. 

Suppose, for once, we were to admit that the House of 
Representatives (for the Senate is under all circumstances 
precluded from participating in the choice) might as well 
commence as finish the election ; (which by the way is di- 
rectly contrary to the Constitution,) will that justify 64 or 
65 out of 142 members of that house, in getting together at 
the dead of night and assuming to themselves the rights of 
the whole body? Let it be understood, there were sixteen 
members in the late Caucus from Virginia, and her chi/d, 
Kentucky, (I will not apply to this latter state the reproach- 
ful name given to it by a Virginian meipber on the floor of 
Congress the other day,*) while there were but eighteen 
members from eight of the other states, and two states left 
totally out of the question, because they were federalists ; 
though at the same time, such of the federalists were ad- 
mitted, as it was known would coincide with their views. 

This comports exactly with the object of Virginia wri- 
ters, who, to give currency to their eulogiums on the Caucus, 
have denounced a number of the firmest and most deter- 
mined republicans in Congress. 

* 77. ej'u ngti s of Virgin ia . 



[ ^' ] 

Tliis anti-constitutional attempt to impose Mr. Madison 
Du the people of this nation over the head of the venerable, 
tlie meritorious George Clinton, is very curiously defended 
by the Editor of a Register published in this city, in his 
third number. 

He is an eulogist of no comnfton abilities — he is excellent 
ai biography, and has given a most interesting history of Mr. 
Jkladison, which occupies better than two whole pages of an 
©cti^vo sheet. He gives us tivo substantial reasons for making 
Air. Madison President; one is, that he was born in Orange 
County, Virginia ; the other, that he was educated at Prince- 
ton College. Bui he gives also a third reason, (an <?j:ce//t«; 
enc too^) he never had a personal enemy. This last is a 
rec son which Solomon himself would never have thought of. 
The author of our religion has left on record a bold denun- 
eiation of such negative characters. Thomas Jefferson and 
George Clinton cannot boat-t of such perfections — no, they 
hove had the curses of maity a tory — >many a monarchist— 
niany a federalist — and, what is more, they have earned thos6^ 
tiu'ses : they have not been afraid of maA^ing enemies by do- 
ing right. ^ • ^ 

It is well this tender hearted biographer did not undertake 
to write the history of Governor Clinton. Besides telling us 
Tvi eie he was born, and naming the college at which he was 
educated, he would have marches, campaigns, battles, and 
sieges, to intermix with a long series of professional and offi- 
cial duties, as a lawyer, a legislator and a governor. These 
* coarse* and indelicate things, might be too much for the re- 
iiijcd taste of so polite a writer. 

As 1 have other objects to attend to in this number, how- 
ever unwilling to quit this gentlemanly editor, he must ex- 
cuse me for the present. I will here take the liberty, in my 
ov. n pUin way, of bringing into view the foundation of an 
opinion I have long, entertained — that it is almost as neces- 
saiy to have an eye to rotation in the States, in choosing a 
Piesident, as it is in the individual to be elected. 

With all our partialities for our late President Washings 
ton, and our present President Jefferson, we will not con- 
tend that they, or either of them, possessed supernatural fa- 
culties ; nor do we pretend that the great knowledge they 
possessed of men and things was derived to them otherwise 
than through the organs ©f the senses comraou to other 
men. 



[ 2^ ] 

EachoflheiTi, while President of the Umied States, pos- 
sessed the pov.er of selecting- all the officers of the general 
j^overnment ; they very properly felt themseh*es responsible 
to the nation for the good behavior of every officer thus ap- 
pointed, and therefore, naturally selected those who, from 
personal knowledge, were believed most likely to do the 
respective duties well, in preference to those whom they 
did not know. In this way the most suitable characters are 
sometimes disappointed, and thus it has happened that three 
,outof seven Judges of the Supreme Court of the United 
States, and four out of five Territorial Governors are natives 
: of Virginia, and nearly the same proportion of Jucges and 
' Secretaries of Territories are of the same description. 

The writer of this is not particularly acquainted with the 
birtli -place of all the foreign ministers and consuls, nor that 
of all the officers of the army and navy; but if there should 
appear to be a like proportion of Virginians amongst them, 
rwhich by the way is not likely to be the case) it ought to be 
imputed to the same blameless and accidental cause, inci- 
dent to the nature of humanity. This can only be remedied 
by a change in the States from whence our Presidents urc 
taken. In order to destroy that jealousy which results from 
the present state of things; when the talents and qualifica- 
tions of the candidate from a part of the union di;itant frciu 
the residence of the former President will admit, he ought 
to be preferred; and no doubt this consideration will have 
great weight out of Virginia ; no doubt this was .apprehend- 
ed by the members of the caucus, and hurried on that ma- 
nueuvre. They complain that the newspaper publications 
hastened them— perhaps they did : they knew the light of 
discussion w^as ruinpus to their ambitious views— they as- 
sembled the few over whom they had influence — tney bawl- 
ed out for unanimity, while they were Undermining its pil- 
lars; they conjured all, by the sacred name of republicanism, 
to join them in one of the most anti-republican measures 
which aristocracy itself was ever guilty of. £ 

For the consilation of those gentlemen, let it be observed, 
that many who consented to meet them are now declaring 
that they do not feel pledged to support Mr. Madison ; that 
their minds are open to conviction ; that when tliey yielded 
^o vote on the occasion, they did it more with a view to as- 
sent, than to do any thing like dictating to others. 

Members of Congress, of this description, when they re- 
turn among their constituents and are called on for their 

c c 



L ^0 3 

reasons for attempting to recommend their Caucus President 
in preference to tiie Vice-President and Veteran Soldier, 
v/ijl do their c. use but little good; they cannot have recourse 
to the hackneyed story of his being superannuated: no — their 
nominating him to the Vice-Presidency (the duties of which 
aie well know^n to.be m.ore arduous than that of Presi- 
deiit) gives th it story the lie direct. They will doubtless 
get off as well as they can, by answ^ering, that the thing was 
hastily done, that they intended no wrong. 

The length to which this number has already extended, 
obliges me to hasten to fulfil my promise respecting the 
charge brought against our present President, of having 
home hard upon his coadjutor Clinton, and of having at- 
tempted to point out his successor. I have ever considered 
the answer given by the President to the addresses made to 
him on the subject of standing another election, as the cap- 
stone of the pyramid of his fame, which posterity will re- 
a^ard with true filial veneration ; and so far from imputing 
to the man who tells the world that the mind of Franklin was 
as bright as ever at eighty, a design to injure the preten- 
sions of the Vice-President; I have viewed it as a modest 
. reprimand, intended for those in wiio- e hands the pow er of 
tlie Constitution rests, for their neglect of that all-im.portant 
duty, the insertion of a clause limiting the duration of the 
presidency in the hands of one m^n. It forcibly recom- 
mends the electing a man far advanced in life to fill that 
oiBce. Mr. Jefferson says, " truth also requires me to add, 
tha. I am sensible ot that decline which advancing years 
bring on.'* 1 say, when he fecis himself undertr^a necessity 
of giving this additional reason for declining another elec- 
tion, we are left to conjecture whether, if he had been a 
younger man uid not committed in favor of the rotation 
principle, he might not have been induced lo yield to the 
solicitations of his sycoph. ntic admirers, and to hafe con- 
sented to u re-cle tion. History gives but few examples of 
men relin [uishing power in the full tide of their popularity 
in the m-gnauimous manner that Washington and Jcuerscn 
have done, and that with so many solicitations as the latter 
has had. Such solicitations are not difficult to be procured 
by an ambitious miai, wielding such immense patronage, 
and such powers as the President of the United States 
p^s'-esses. 

The p-j t of Mr Jefferson's answer adverted to, reminds 
ine of an exclamation which has often escaped me j that it 



[ 3' ] 

'is better three successive Presic'ents should die in the chair, 
than that one young or iniddle a red man should get into it, 
who, with a common share of ambition, using the mens 
within his reach, and aided by that sycophancy which will 
ever occupy the atmosphere of so much power, would be 
able to make himself a tenant for life, and thereby saddle 
the nation with a monarchy. 

When the enlightened people of this nation take into their 
consideration the propriety, and indeed the necessity of some 
kind of rotution in the states from which the president is 
taken ; and when they call to mind the important services, 
the great weight of character, the talents, the political and 
governmental experience by which George Clinton is dis- 
tinguished — the man whom they have heretofore placed in 
the second station of honor; the writer of this cannot be- 
lieve they will suffer themselves to be cajoled out of their 
honest predilection for promoting, in succession, their de- 
serving and faithful servants, by the artifice and cunning of 
any set of Caucussers, be their public or private characters 
ever so elevated. 

y ..tract from tJie Protest of a number of the Members of 
CongresSf against the nomination in Chuciis. 

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Fellov^ Citizens, 

In the course of the events which have marked the 
conduct and characters of those to whom you have, at dif- 
ferent periods, entrusted by your suffrages, the power of 
making laws for your government, few measures have occur- 
red, since the adoption of the present Constitution, mofe 
extraordinary, than the meeting lately held ibr the purpose 
of nominating a President and Vice-President of the United 
States. 

Our alarm is equally excited, whether we advert to the 
mode in which the meeting was summoned, or to the pro- 
ceedings after it was convened. The Senator who assumed 
the power of calling together the members of Congress, did 
it unc er the pretext of that power being vested in him, by 
a former convention : this pretext, whether it be true or not, 
impiiesc.il assertion of a right in the Congress of 1804, to 
direct their successors in the mode of choosiiij^ tlie chief ma- 
gisirate ; an assertion which no man has ever before had the 



[ - J 

burdihood to advance. The notices were private, not gener- 
al to all the members of the two houses ; nor confined to the 
3'epublican party ; a delegate from one of the territories Avas 
invited and attended— a man who in elections has no sufi- 
rage, and in legislation no vote. The persons who met, in 
pursuance of this unprecedented summons, proceeded 
=ivlthout discussion or debate^ to determine by ballot the can- 
didates for the highest oflices in the Union. The characters 
of difierent men, and their pretensions to the public favor, 
Avere not suffered to be canvassed, and all rcsponsibilUy nvas 
avoided by the mode of ^selection. The determination of this 
conclave has been published as the act of the republican 
party ; and with as much exultation as the result of a solemn 
election by the nation. Attempts are m.aking to impress 
upon the public mind, that these proceedings ought to be 
binding upon all the republicans, and those who refused to 
attend, or disapproved of the meeting, are denounced as ene- 
mies cf liberty, and as apostates from the cause of the peo- 
ple. In this state of things we think it our duty to address 
\ou, and we deem ourselves called upon to enter our most 
<oIenm protest against these proceedings. 

It is true, that at former periods, when the election of a 
President and Vice-President approached, it was customary 
to hoid meetings of the members of Congress, for the pur- 
p«i.se of recommending candidates to the public. But these 
meetings, if not justified, were palliated by the necessity of 
union. The federalists presented a ibrmidable phalanx ; und 
either to succeed at all or to prevent them from placing the 
candidate for the Vice-Presidency in the Presidential chair, it 
was necessary to exeit the combined efforts of the whole re- 
publican party. But it is equally true that in those instances 
the nominations for the Presidency were mere matters of 
course. In the first and second elections under the consti- 
tution the eyes of all were turned upon GeneranVashingtofi, 
and shice the expiration of the two periods,, during which he 
filled the supreme executive office, there has not mitil now 
been any difference of opinion among the republicans, as to 
the candidate for the first magistracy. The real object of all 
former meetings, was to produce such a co-operation as 
would secure the election of a republican Vice-president. 

Tiio circumstances Avhich might be urged in extenuation 
of such a measure heretofore, do not now exist. The ie- 
deiviists are comparjtively few in number, and form but a 
feeble party j they cannot give any one candidate, more thcoi 



[33] 

sixteen «r seventeen vctes out of one hundred and scTcntj^- 
six; no federalist can therefore ^e elected by the electors; 
and should no person hyve a majority of aii the electoral 
votes, the choice of the President will devolve on the mem- 
bers of the present house of representatives, in vs^hich the 
federuii'jts have the votes of only two states, Connecticut and 
Delaware. The alteration of the Constitution prevents the 
danger of any intrigue, by which the intended Vice-Presi- 
dent might be elected President. No good reason can there- 
fore now be assigned, why an union of the republicans in 
favor of any particular person should be attempted by a mea- 
sure in itself so exceptionable, as"^ nomination by the Se- 
nators and Represeritatives in Congress. 

We do not Sc.y that a consultation among the members of 
Congress, respecting the persons to be recommended as 
candidates for the two highest offices of the nation, may not 
in some extraordinary crisis, be proper. But the propriety 
must arise from absolute necessity. Even then, we doubt 
whether it can be completely justified. The people ought 
to exercise their' right of election without any undue bias ; 
and is it not the evident intention of such consultations 
to produce a bias ? Besides, in the event of there being no 
election by the electors, the choice of the President devolves 
on the House of Representatives, and that of the Vice-Presi- 
dent on the Senate :« Should the House of Representatives 
not succeed in electing the President, the Vice-President 
will become the chief magistrate ; hence the impropriety of 
nominations, by the members of Congress, is more glaring, 
as it may become the political interest of the Representatives 
to prevent an election by the electors, and of the Senators to 
frustrate any choice by either. Npr is this all ; a danger 
of more than ordinary magnitude arises from the inlluencc 
which may be used by the President, over meetings of any 
individuals at the seat of the general government. The 
hope, or the promise of office may be employed to induce a 
nomination either of himself, or of a favorite successor, and 
it requires but little sagacity to foresee the consequences of 
such corruption. 

So conscious were the members who attended the late 
meeting, of the weight of objections which might be urged 
against their proceedings, that they have thought it proper 
to publish an exculpatory resolution, proposed by Mr. Giles 
of Virgmia, and unanimously ado; ted. They have decla- 
red, " that in making; their nominations, they have acted 



[ 3*1 

•nk in their individual characters us citizens ;*' this is very 
true, bec'.aise they could act in no other, sviti.cut a bre ich of 
their oaths, and a direct vioh\tion of the letter of the Consti- 
tution. But was it not intended that those nouxinations 
should be enforced by the sanction of Congressional names? 
They proceed to assert, " that they have been induced to 
adopt this measure from the necessity of the case, from a j 
deep conviction of the importance of union to the republi- ; 
cans throughout all parts of the United States, in the pre- 
sent crisis of both our external $nd internal affairs." We 
trust we have shewn that no such necessity exists, and that 
an union among the republicans, in favour of ^ny individual, 
is not important. We acknowledge that the aspect of our 
foreign affairs is unpromising. We are, perhaps, on the 
eve of a war with one of the great powers of Europe ; we are, 
therefore, strongly impressed with the difficulties of our si- 
tuation. In such a crisis, if unanimity in the choice of Pre- 
sident is necessary, that choice should be directed to a man, 
eminently calculated by his tried energy and talents, to con- 
duct the nation with firmness and wisdom^ through the pe- 
rils which surround it; to a man who had not, in the hour of 
terror and persecution, deserted his post, and sought in ob- 
scurity and retirement, a shelter from the political tempest ; 
to a man not suspected of undue partiality or enmity to either 
of the present belligerent powers—/* Jamea Madison such a 
man ? We ask for energy, and we are told of his moder- 
ation ; we ask for talents, apd the reply is, his unassuming 
merit; we ask, what were his services in the cause of public 
liberty, and we are directed to the pages of the Federaiisti 
written in conjunction wkh Alexander Hamilton and John 
Jay^ in which the most extravagant of their doctrines are 
maintained and propagated. We ask for consistency, as a 
republican, standing forth to stem the torrent of oppressioii, 
which once threatened to overwhelm the liberties of the, 
country; \ve ask for that high and honorable sense ofduty^ 
which would at all times turn with loathing and abhorrence 
from any compromise with fraud and speculation — %ve ask 

IN VAIN. 

But further, one of the reasons assigned by Mr. Jeffer- 
son for declining to stand again, as a candidate for the chair 
of the chief magistrate, is the propriety of a rotation in that 
office. ' The great advantage of this principle of rotation is, 
that by appointing as a successor to the present officer, a 
man not immediately connected with him, the acts of the 



C55 5 

administration may be impartially reviewed ; those meaiures 
•which tend to promote the public good will be a^ opted, and 
those of a contrary tendency, which, from the fallibility of 
human nature, may have been pursued, will be abandoned, 
and if necessary exposed. All other rotation is a mockery. 

I We do, therefore,- in the most solemn manner, Protest 

lagainst the proceedings of the meeting held in the Senate 
Chamber, on the twenty-third day of January last, because 
we consider them — 

^ As being in direct hostility to the principles of the Con- 

;^stitution : 

I As a gross assumption of power not delegated by the peo- 
ple, and not justified or extenuated by any actual necessity: 

As an attempt to produce an undue bias in the ensuincf 
election of President and Vice-President, and virtually to 
transfer the appointment of those officers from the people, 
to a majority of the house of Congress. 

And we do in the same manner Protest against the nomi- 
nation of James Madison, as we believe him to be unfit to fill 
the office of President in the present juncture of our affairs. 

M'lv York, 9th March, 1808. 

TO THE EDITOR OF THE AMERICAN CITIZEN. 

The following letter, received by mail, has been commu- 
nicated to several of the friends of Governor Clinton, but- 
finding the opinions it was intended to refute, more extensive 
than at first imagined, the gentleman to whom it was addres- 
sed, conceives he will be justified in giving it publicity, 
through the medium of the press. 

*' IVashington, 5th March, 1808. 
."Dear Sir, 

♦' Yesterday I had the honor to receive your letter of the 
first instant, and am not surprised to learn that some of my 
friends in your city are induced to infer, from my silence on 
the subject of the nomination of candidates for the offices 
of President and Vice-President^ made some time ago at this 
place, and since published in the news-papers, that my name 
was mentioned for the latter, with my knowledjie and ap- 
probation. The inference is a natural one, although in the 
present instance incorrect. 

" Vie win c^ with great anxiety the critical and alarming 
situation of our national affairs, and deeply impressed with 



[ 36 ] 

a beUer that it would require the united wisdom and pa- 
triotism of the different branches of the government to avert 
the dangers which threaten our country ; I formed a reso- 
lution, at the commencement of this important session, not 
to participate in any conversation touching the ensuing Pre- 
sidential election, nor to express any sentiment or determi- 
nation respecting it, that might have a temiency to disunion, 
cr to any baneful effect on our public deliberations : this 
resolution I have hitherto scrupulously observed, and now 
regretthe necessity I feel myself under of apartial departure 
from it, in order to remove the false impressions w^hich it 
seems my silence has occasioned, by assuring my friends, 
through you, that I never have been directly or indirectly 
consulted on the subject, either before or since that nomina- 
tion was made, nor was I even apprised of the meeting held 
for the purpose, otherwise than by having accidentally seen 
ft notice, or summons, to one of the members to attend it, 
from S. R. Bradley, Es juire. 

** However correct and forcible the objections which you 
have stated against this procedure may be, yet as it is a busi- 
ness in which I have had no agency or participation, and 
over which I can have no controul, it might be considered 
improper for me, situated as I am, to make any comments 
Opon it. 

" I am, with great respect and esteem, 
Your most obe't serv't, 

GEO. CLINTON.^ 



TO THE 

CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

Thoughts on the Constitutionality^ Profiriety and JVecessity of 
the late Grand Caucusi held at the seat of the General Qq* 
'9ernment, 

With the character, talents, and services of George Clin* 
ton^ you have long been familiarly acqUviinted. His activity 
and merit brought him into notice in his native state, even 
in the early dawn of that Glorious Revolution which has 
thr.o«m resplendent light and lustre on us as a people, and 
given us, as a nation, an independent and elevated standing 
among the other nations of the earth. 

When the din of the revolutionary armies was hushed, 
A*d Peace, with her Olives, had shaded the rugged front of 



War, and Plenty had poured from her Cornucopia blessings 
among Columbia's sons, Mr. Clinton was selected by his 
fellow citizens to preside, in his native state, in her councils 
of peace. This mark of distinction was thought to have 
been well earned by him who had led their troops to victory. 
In this highly responsible and honorable station we find the 
Hero and the Statesman continued, by frequent elections, for 
eighteen years. The zeal, integrity and fidelity with which 
iie invariably and unremittingly discharged the duties of his 
office, raised him greatly and deservedly in the estimatioa 
Und confidence of his fellow citizens. 

From the exercise of the duties of Chief Magistrate of the 
State of New York, you were pleased to call him, by as 
honorable a vote as ever bore testimony to worth, patriot- 
ism and talents, to participate in the public councils of the 
United States ; and this too at a time when the political ho- 
rizon was dark and portentous. In this situation, which he 
did not seek or obtain by any intrigue, the virtuous and inde- 
pendent members of the Senate, will bear testimony to the 
disinterested integrity with which Mr. Clinton has at all 
times, and upon all occasions, discharged its important 
duties. 

It is neither wished or intended to censure the conduct 
of particular persons. The object of the writer is to invite 
inquiry ; to present a correct statement of facts, and to test 
the principles which have been acted upon, by the Sove- 
reign Iciw of the land, the Constitution of the United States I 
In the observations to be made, the writer has no wish to 
imply a disapprobation of the principle of selecting candi- 
dates to be supported a.s/m?'ty reco?nm,enda(io?is ; it is a prin- 
ciple upon wiiich he has repeatedly acted, when, in a con- 
tenuon for the officers to be elected, there wbs a probable 
rjiance of success to a candidate of principles hostile to the 
democratic party, of which he is a memoer. In the pre- 
sent case, there is no such chance, and what is yet stronger 
and more conclusive, is the belief, that the late proceedings 
are hostile to the dictates of justice, to the interests and 
rie^iits of the community, and to tue spirit and the letter of 
the Constitution of our country. 

See Mr. Bradley's letter, fiage 22. 

Before we pass on, my fellow citizens, to t^st these pro- 
jvceeaings, by the principles, the spirit and the letter of gup 
I Constitution, allow me to arrest your attention a few mi- 
nutes, to examine, not the sty'e or manner; but the inform*" 



L 38 J 

tion. the substance and facts contained in this cxtraordinaiy 
circular. 

From it we learn the impressive fact, that there exists, at 
the seat of the general government, a body of men unre- 
cognized by the Constitution, who execute without respon- 
sibiiity, important public functions, for which they were ne- 
ver delegated by the people ; which body of men are self- 
styled a convention, and who have a fireaident and we know' , 
not how many other officers, | 

By whom this convention is chosen we are not informed ; j 
but from the manner in which the letter is directed to par- * 
ticular individuals, it is evident that they must be privutely 
selected by some one or more persons— whose names do 
not appear. 

The times or places of meeting, of this convention, do not 
Appear to be stated, but to depend on the will of the presi- 
dent, or of those who govern the president. To this conclu- 
sion we are inevitably led by the words, *' In pursuance of 
the powers vested in me. Sec. /deem it expedient" to call a 
convention, which is to meet on the 23d instant. \ 

This convention, consisting of men whose names are un- 
published — selected by men whose names are unknown — 
and called together by a president unacknowledged by our 
Constitution or our laws — being assembled are to do what ? 

On referring to this mysterious and singular letter, we shall 
find, that the convention is assembled " for the purpose of 
nominating^' a President and Vice-President of the United 
States for four years. 

If this body of men assembled in conclave, and called a 
convention^ can nominate the chief magistrates of the Union, 
where WaS the nec-tssity of the people taking such pains, and 
going to such expense to point out the mode of their being 
elected by the Constitution ? If this convention can nomi- 
nate^ what a farce is it for the people to hold special elec- 
tions to choose electors of President and Vice-President, toid 
for those electors to meet and go through the ceremony of 
voting < 

I request you, my fellow citizens, with candor and impar- 
tiality to examine what I have stated : reflect how deeply we 
are all involved, and having done this, I am confident you 
will act worthy of the descendants of the heroes and legisla- 
tors who achieved that independence which we prize so 
highly, and which we are resolved to transmit as a precious 
blessing to our children, and our children's children. 



[ 39 3 

If under all the (nrcumstances of our country, in its fo- 
reio:n relations and internal concerns, and in the state ©f 
parties, you can see no full and honest justification of the 
late proceedings, you will exercise indefiendently your con- 
stitutional rif^hts. But if, in those pi'oceedings, you perceive 
not only the germ, but the shoots of a destructive and poi- 
sonous aristocracy, then I am assured, that you will zealous- 
ly, ivnd anxiously, and actively exert yourselves to root it out 
from the land of democracy. 

In another number I shall lay before you such parts of the 
Constitution of the United States, as bear most strongly oi> 
the subject to which your attention has been called. 

MONTGOMERY. 



No. II. 

In consequence of the letter from Mr. Bradley, a number 
of members met in the Senate chamber, and a nomination took 
place, which has been announced m some of the public pa- 
pers with an air of triumph and exultation, which seemed to 
enquire, who dare to say Nay ? It remains with you, my fel- 
low citizens, to examine how far your rights have been 
usurped ; by what authority this meeting was called and 
acted ; and the real objects which the promoters of it had in 
view. If it shall appear upon a fair an^ impartial inquiry 
that, in the present situation of parties in our country, it is, 
in the first instance, a flagrant -usurpation of a right reserved 
by the Constitution of the United States, from the powers 
of Congress, and in the second, that it is a continuation of an 
intrigue commenced some years ago, at the seat of the ge- 
neral government, and now revived, for the express purpose 
of wounding the feelings, and hissing off the stage, an aged, 
faithful and meritorious servant ; I appeal to your hearts 
and your understandings, whether you ought to bow implicit 
obedience to the nomination ? Let a recollection of past 
services prompt us, by our votes, to give the lie direct to 
that scandalous falsehood, that Republics are ungrateful. 
Without at all implicating the characters brought into view 
in the nomination, we ought, in a manly and independent 
manner, to discountenance an attempt to wrest from us the 
the free exercise of the right of suffrage. 

By the second section of the second article of the Consti- 
tution of the United States it is declared, that " He (the Pre- 
*< sident) shall have power, by and with the advice and consent 



P40 3 

<* of the Senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds of the 
" Senators present concur : and he shall jiominate and by and 
" with the consent of the Senate, shall afifioint ambassadors, 
" other public ministers and consuls, Judges of the Supreme 
" Court, and all other officers of the United States, whose 
<< a/tpointmcnts are not herein otherwise provided for, and_ 
'< which shall be established by law :" — '' the president shall 
»' have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
*< the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions which 
*' shall expire at the end of the next session." Has it not been 
the common understanding and the universal acceptation of 
the intent of these clauses of the Constitution, that the Pre- 
sident of the United States is res/ionsible for the officers 
which he apfieints ? In the first, he nominates to the Se- 
nate—in the second, he grants a commission. Is it not per- 
fectly clear that in the Constitution the words nominate and 
appoint are used as synonimous terms ? 

In another part of the Constitution of the United States 
we find the following provision, that " Each State shall ap- 
" point, in such manner as the legislatures thereof may di- 
" rect, a number of Electors, equal to the whole number of 
<^ Senators and Representatives, to which the state may be 
*^ entitled in Congress : but no Senator or Representative, or 
" person holding an office oft^'ust or profit under the United 
«* States, shall be appointed an Elector.'^ 

Why, except from the conviction of its necessity, should 
all this anxiety be manifested by the framers of the constitu- 
tion expressly declaring that no member of either house of 
coni^ress shall be an elector? Is not this constitutional pro- 
hibition completely defeated, if the members by a previous 
nomination, can give the tone to the public opinion ? If they 
can, by a midnight meeting, throw a man of tried integrity, 
virtue, and intelligence, into the back ground, vain and fool- 
ish is the constitutional interdiction, which prevents them 
from being electors, and standing responsible to the nation 
for the choice which they have made. If the members of 
congress can, without a violation of the Constitution, which 
they ought to support, make a previous nomination to the 
electors of the persons who are to be President and Vice- 
President of the United States, why do the sections of the 
Constitution which have been quoted, consider no?nination 
and appoint77ient dLS coD\eriib\c terms, and therefore expressly 
exclude all members of Congress from being Electors ? Can 
any reasons be assigned which will sekti^fy Kh^ plain letter 



I 



^nd Intention of the Constitution, and yet justify . the mem- 
bers of Congress, or any portion of them, in making a pre- 
vious nomination of a President and Vice-President ? It is 
for you my fellow citizens, to answer these questions. 

Let us return to the Constitution, while we have that for 
our guide, we walk on sure ground : " The powers not de- 
*• legated to the United States by the Constitution, nor pro- 
it. " hibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respec- 
I " tively, or to the people." 

Will it, in the spirit of sophistry, be said in reply to this 
declaration, that there is a material distinction between the 
proceedings of the two houses, when silting upon their own 
adjournment, in their respective chambers, and in their 
holding a promiscuous or select meeting in either of the 
chambers ? When quibbling is resorted to, there is an end 
. to all rational inquiry. The plain question is, would any- 
more bias be gi\ en to the public mind — would any greater 
effect be produced, in the one case rather than in the other? 
, It is the substantial right in things which the Constitution 
intended to preserve to the people, not the unmeaning, un- 
real distinctions of the gentlemen of thtf long robe. The 
right now contended for, is of the deepest interest, and 
strongly guaranteed to ns by the Constitution. The part 
just quoted, is one on which any state in the Union is bound 
to put such a construction, as will prevent the United States 
from encroaching upon any of those rights which they have 
not surrendered to it : It is one of those rights which is no 
where granted to Congress, or the members which compose 
Congress, nor is it in any part of the Constitution of the 
United States, prohibited to the states, consequently the 
right remains in the States or the People. 

In this inquiry, we are not left to mere speculation : we 

- have recent, substantial facts for our guide. The state of 

- Virginia claims this right, and by her legislature has exer" 
cised it. She has nominated her candidates. Will it be c«n- 
tend^'d that there is a concurrent right in the members of 
Congress, and in the members of the Legislature of Virginia 
at the same time ? This absurdity Avill not, I think, be de- 
fended. What follows ? That either the members of Con- 
gress, or the state of Virginia are usin-pers. Which of them 

' have acted out of character, will, I apprehend, become ap- 
■ parent, when we take a view of the Constitution of the 
United States, in that part which directly bears on this 
^ question. 



[42] 

" The President of the Senate shall, m the presence of 
" the Senate and House of Reprcsentdtives open all the cer- 
" tiiicates, and the votes shall then be counted: the person - 
*' havhig the greatest number of votes for President, shall 
" be the President, if such number be amajority of the whole 
" number of Electors appointed : and if no person have such 
*' majority, then from the persons having the highest num- 
*' bers, not exceediHg three, on the list of those voted for as 
" President, the House of Representatives shall choose im- 
<' mediately, by ballot, the President; but in choosing the 
" President, the votes shall be taken by states, the represen- 
^' tation from each state having but one vote : a quorum for 
*' this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
*^ two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states, 
*' shall be necessary to a choice." XH. Amendment to the 
Constitution. 

I believe it is a maxim which has never been denied, cer- 
tainly never been controverted, that when a Judge is appoint- 
ed, or a body of iricn constituted judges, to determine ift the 
last resort, that they should not pre-judge,or even express an 
opinion upon the m.erits of the case, until it is brought fairly 
and legally before them, in the proper form. Let us sup- 
pose a case which may happen, that at the next Presidential 
election, no one of the candidates sheJl have a majority of 
votes, of the whole number of the, electors appointed — in 
that case the Constitution. declares, that the House of Re- 
presentatives shall, immediately by ballot^ elect the President^ 
in what situation would those members be, who in conclave, 
had nominated one of the candidates? Could they be sup- 
posed to act a fair and impartial part ? Have they not pre- 
judged the question ? Would not their judgments be biassed 
by their former nomination ? 

1 Avill not insult the public understanding by any attempt 
to explain a proposition so self evident.. A further remark 
is suggested by the above constitutional provision — "The 
House of Repri^sentatives shall choose immediately by ballot 
the President." No time is allowed for intrigue — no oppor- 
tunity given for pecuniaiy advantages or official preferments 
to be gained by votes— no door is left open for the Demon of 
Interest to shed his baleful influence, or to glitter his be- 
witching bribes in the eyes of the members. How far the 
knowledge and recollection of what had passed at the city of 
Washington on a former occasion, influenced the framers of 
this amendment, it is not now necessury to determine j one 



C 43 1 

thing, ho"\rever, is perfectly clear, that the framers of the a- 
niciidmenc were anxious to guarcuvg-iinst improper influence 
and intrig;ue, a]id adopted the most efTectuai means, by com- 
manding that the choice be i?n?}iediately made. 

You my fellow citizens will determine for yourselves, 
whether the plain intent and meaning of the constitution be 
not completely defeated if a portion of the members of con- 
gress, after two or three months privcvtc cabal, and we know 
not what, of promises and official arrangements, can make 
nominations to the States and the F topic ot the persons whom 
t/iey must elect as their future President and Vice-president : 
Lest however all this should not effect their purposes, they 
' elect a committee from among themselves, men prohibited 
by the constitution to serve as electors ; which committee in 
'its range, embraces the whole extent of the United States 
X whose business it is to carry into effect the nomination of 
; this self-styled convention. 

j- As one friendly to the independent sovereignty of the 

' States and the Rights of the People, as a citizen of a yet free 

country, and having an interest in its prosperity and welfare, 

I have laid before you my thoughts. I have no means, I tvish 

■ no means, to impress them upon your minds, and to influence 

;; your conduct, save what they derive from their intrinsic 

,, worth and truth, and from the support which they receive 

I from the Great Charter of our Liberties, the Constitution of 

o'lr common country. 

MONTGOMERY. 



No. IIL 

IN former numbers I have attempted to prove, that the 
■ proceedings of the late caucus, at the seat of the general go- 
i vernment, are direct violations of the letter and spirit of that 
I constitution, which every member who composed that self- 
:' stiled convention had sworn to support. In this number I 
propose to point out some of the libcrticidal consequences 
^ which may, and probably will, grow out of that proceeding, 
V should you permit it to become an established precedent in 
choosing the chief magistrate of the United States. 

Permit me, before I proceed further on this point, to call 
your attention to the constitution and its different provisions ; 
be assured they are all the results of sober thoughts and man- 
ly reflection. They are the work of the people when neither 
party rage, undue influence or patronage, could bias their 



[ 44 J 

judgment. They are the land-marks of liberty set up t© 
guard agcinst the eiVects of enthu;-.iuSLic zeal, or the too often 
experienced grasp oi executive power. 

The President of the United Stales, when elected, is to 
serve for four years, and his salary, as established by law, is 
twenty-five thousand dollars per year. To bring my sub- 
ject before you in the strong point of light in which it pre- 
sents itself to me, I must suppose a case, and examine its 
consequences. Suppose a President should, contrary to the 
interests and wishes of a great majority of the citi- 
zens of the United States, wish to continue in the Presi- 
dency for life, and nominate his successor in ofhce, I pre- 
sume you will not think it time mispent to inquire what 
number of men he would have to engage to act under his di- 
rections, to accomplish his purposes, and to examine what 
means are placed in his power to reward those who would 
submit to become his creatutes. It is scarcely necessary to 
remark so obvious a fact as, that a candidate put into nomi- 
2iation by such a caucus, as was laLely held at Washington, 
will ever have creatures calculating upon his success, and 
that he will have as ample means m his power to reward their 
uttachment and services to him as his predecessor. 

In examining what those means are, it will not be neces- 
:-.ary to enter minutely into the whole extent of the Presi- 
dent's patronage. There may, and doubtless does exist, 
some difference in its extent in the several states ; therefore 
for the sake of round numbers, to simplify the calculation, 
and keep strictly within bounds, we shall suppose that in 
each state and territory the President has in his gift six offices, 
eachof which will enable the incum.bentto live without labor, 
in ease and affluence, and that in addition to their emoluments 
they shall be considered honorable appointments. In this 
calculation, we exclude the patronage of the Army and Na- 
vy of the United States, There are 17 states and 5 territo- 
ries ; in these the President has the disposal of 132 places, 
rich and honorable, with whJch to tempt the cupidity of men 
not governed by principle, or attached to liberty. 

I presume it will readily be admitted, that a man possessed 
of ordinary talents, ambitious views, and destitute of princi- 
ple, with only a fourth part of this pedronage, could so di- 
vide and distract the electors, in tlie respective states, as to 
prevent any one candidate for the Presidency, from having a 
nmajority of the whole number of electors. In that event 
happening, the election of the President, devolves upon the 



I 45 3 

House of Representatives, who, accorcting to the constitu- 
tioii '•' shall choose immediately, by ballot, the President.'* 

We shall enquire how many votes it is necessary to secure, 
in the House of Representatives, to make sure, the election 
of a favorite canuidate, to be President of the United States, 
for the four succeeding years. We shall, to assist us, in this 
enquiry, recur to our old guide, the constitution. 

" But in choosing the President, the votes shall be taken by 
^tates^ the representatives of each state having one vole ; a 
quorum for this purpose, shall consist of a member or mem- 
bers, from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the 
states, shall be necessary to a choice." It can scarcely es- 
cape notice, that only '-a majority of all the states are neces- 
sary to a choice.*' 

As I am anxious to put this subject in a clear point of view, 
I will rather risque an \nineoessary multiplication of words, 
than hazard the probability of being misunderstood. The 
following table will, perhaps, present the subject, at one 
view, with more force, than by the adoption of any other mode, 

Thej^r.y^ column, exhibits the names of a majority of the 
states — the second^ the number of members sent by each 
state, to the House of Representatives of the United States 
——the thirds the number of Representatives necessary to con- 
stitute a majority of the representation of each state — the 
fourth^ supposes the votes of the state of Kentucky^ to have 
been previously secured, in favor of the candidate, which it is 
wished to elect; and also, that a member is absent from each 
of the states, marked thus*— ~the Jifth column, supposes the 
votes from the states of Kentucky and New-Jersey, to have 
been pledged, to support the favorite candidate ; and also, 
that a member is absent from the states marked thus.* 

New-Hampshire 5 3 3 3' 

Rhode-Island 2 2 *1 ^*1 

Vermont 4 3 *2 *2 

New-Jersey 6 — < 4 *3 

Delaware . 1 ) 1 1 

Georgia 4 3 *2 *2 

Tennessee 3 2 2 2 

Kentucky 6 4 

Ohio 1 1 1 1 

32 23 15 12 



[46] 

Trom this statement it appears that the Avhole number of 
votes fr©m 9 states, which is a majority of all the st-ites, a- 
moimts to 32 ; the majority of which is 23, which 23 votes, 
under this provision of the constitution, can choose a Presi- 
dent, even if every member of the delega^n from every 
state in the union were to be present, and vote at the ballot. 
On the data on which the fju'^fh column is preilic.*ted 15 
members would elect the President., -and on the supposition 
of the Jlfth column 12 members would choose the President 
of the United States for four years. 

Let it not be said that these are all presumptions of ex- 
treme and improbcible cases, of events which will never hap- 
pen ; be not deceived, there are other, and not impossible 
combinations, which might be made, and which would re- 
duce the number necessary to constitute a choice still lower, 
and show in a stronger and more glaring light, the danger of 
sanctioning a nomination made by members of Congress — 
by men who by the constitution are precluded from being e- 
lectors, and appointed judges in the last resort. It should 
never be absent from recollection, that the greatest and most 
ingenious efforts that have ever been made by human intelli- 
gence have been made for the purposes of distraction. 

My fellow-citizens, to the best of my abilities I have at- 
tempted to shew, that the caucus at Washington is a flagrant 
encroachment on one of your most important rights, and a 
direct violation of the constitution of the United States. I 
have discharged my duty, do you discharge yours, and I hope 
and trust, that at this momentous crisis it will be' found, 
that there is a redeeming spirit in the constitution, which 
\rill areuse the people to exercise their sovereign and im-' 
perishable strength, and snap the green wythes with which it 
is attempted to bind them. Be watchful, and weed out of 
this land of freedom, every poisonous plant which aristocracy 
would engraft upon our constitution and liberties, or they 
will, like the tares, grow so fast and take such deep root, as 
to choak the wholesome seeds which our fathers watered 
with their blood, and transmitted to their children. 

MONTGOMERY. 

AMERICANUS. 
No. VII. 

Who is to be the next President ? 
The Editors of the Richmond Enquirer and the Weekly 
JRegi8ter\ printed in this city, seem to be engaged in a seri- 



[ 47 ] 

ous conflict, each claiming the honor of doing the most t« 
promote the election of Mr. Madison, while they are both 
belittleing him und sinkmg each other. 

It is really laughable to notice the course they pursue. — . 
While one tells his readers that his patron never in his life 
acted with decision enough to have created a single enemy, 
'the other tells us, that he was fool enough to place too much 
reliance on the information and integrity of his coadjutor, 
and signed, without examination^ the very instrument which 
has kept the nation in an uproar for these four or five years 
past. I mean the recommendation for the compromise of 
the Yazoo claims. The very instrument which has engen- 
dered so much ill will, hatred, and animosity among the 
members of Congress. So much ill will, that there are to 
this day, in that body, those who have not been on speaking 
terms with each other for years, on account of the acrimoni- 
ous expressions which have proceeded from the opponents 
and advocates of this very instrument — an instrument which 
has created such dissentions among the people, and even 
between States, as almost to threaten disunion — is acknow- 
ledged by the eulogising Editor of the Register, to be the 
studied and deliberate act of Mr. Madison ! His v;ords are, 
" that he (Mr. M.) would scorn to escape from a recommcn- 
*'dationof the expediency of an adjustment of honest claims.'* 
These are the very words of every advocate for the compro- 
mise of the Yazoo claims : all of them acknowledge corrup- 
tion between the granting legislator and the original gran- 
tees : yet it is the contending for this same compromise, 
which Mr. Madison has recommended, and which his de- 
voted eulogist says, Mr. Madison would scorn to escape 
from recommending as expedient, that has created the dis- 
sention and discord so much to be deplored. 

I cannot avoid congratulating Mr. Madison on the acquisi- 
tion of such a sapient pair of Eulogists. " Contending in 
the same cause," one charges him with want of sufficient 
firmness ever to have created an enemy : the other charges 
him with folly and imbecility. " This brings the first up," 
Af I may use his own words, " seeing his brother soldier 
" eagerly pressed, and yielding in the conflict, to hasten to 
" his aid and retrieve him from the enemy." To do which 
he claims for his patron the merit of being guilty of the 
very crime that is laid to his charge 1 

After all this I must give credit to the Washington eulo- 
gist, for the ingenious manner in which he claims for Mr. 



[ 43 3 

Madison the merit of federal persecution. This may answer 
Mr. Madison some purpose, where this sham fighting be- 
tween Mr. M's federal friends and this euioijist is not 
well understood. It is too well known here, that Mr. 
Madison has not a personal enemy among the federalists, to 
have this federal persecution considered in any other light 
than an afiologyiov his friends to exclaim about federal perse- 
cution ! It is too well known here t.iat Mr. Madison has never 
deserved the enmity of the federalists. It is too well known 
here, that many of Mr. Madison's bosom friends are fe- 
deralists ; and that he suft'ers them to treat him with a fami- 
liarity which no republicans of equal standing would assume. 
It is well known, that when Congress are not in session, the 
federalists almost exclusively receive his invitations, and 
swarm round his festive board. It is well known, that tne 
daily toast of the federalists is, " the next President," em- 
phatically applying it to Mr. Madison. It is too well known, 
that republican merchants and mechanics get but little of 
the money he spends in tbis city. It is too well known 
here, that federal clerks in his office have, in the six years 
he has been secretary of state, received morfe than 40,000 
dollars, while known republican clerks have received no- 
more than six thousand dollars ! It is too well known here, 
that he keeps an English royal-Jcderalist in a sinecure place, 
or a place next to a sinecure^ under the legal appellatioii of a 
clerk in his department, at the rate of fourteen hundred dol- 
lars per annum, while there are many needy republicans in 
the city, who would rejAce to do the duty for four hundred 
dollars a year I 

It is well known, that in the paper called the Washington 
Federalist, the caucus election of Mr. Madison was announc- 
with highalifirobation and apjilaus', and that that paper, at the 
same time it was abusing Mi\ Jc^icisonm Xh^ basest terms^ 
was saying soft things of Mr. Madison. — It was thought ne- 
cessary by Mr. Madison's/frfe?*©!! friends, to check the natural 
current of that paper. — It was made to give way to the more 
politic course, and some federal friends of Mr. Madison have 
been allowed to commence a sham 'u^ar of words against him 
by translating the objections of the republicans to his elec- 
tion into federal language, allowing him always to be a very 
great, a very wise, and a very good man, carefully avoiding 
to raise any new argument that might operate against hi^ 
election i 



[49 3- 

It is not that the writer wishes to criminate Mr. Madisou 
for his fiiendship and attachment to the federalists, that he 
rel-ttes those things. Mr. Madison may have good r canons 
for recom nencing the Yazoo compromise, and for conciali- 
ting the fecieralists, nor does the writer wish to deprive the 
federalists of the right the constitution gives them of aiding, 
by their ^''talents and injluence*^ in the election of President 
and V'ice-president. — No. — The whining manner in which 
Mr. Madison's friends call to their aid, the merit of his being 
persecuted by federalists, and by Yazoo oppositionists, the 
first of widen I consider a mere counterfeit, amicable perse- 
ution, has led me to notice these things. 

The same kind of hypocritical whining is practised by Mr. 

' Iadison*s friends, since the caucus, about the division they 

'itJUfielves have created in the republican party. — A division 

' hich it belongs to Mr. Maciison to attevifit to heal, a divisi- 

1 which he has at this moment in his power immediately to 

eai.— -A thing which he ought to do before it is too late. — I 

lean a declaration, that he does not wish to supercede the 

jnerable, tne meritorious Vice-president.— A magnani- 

ousdeciacxtion to the nation, that he wishes to t^.ke'but one 

ep at a time, will save him the mortification of exhibiting 

e very awkward appearance he must make, in vaimy at- 

mpting to stride two or three steps at once, and th:'t '.oo 

er the head of Clinton, the great, the good, the virtuous 

A the wise. 

That prudent ourse would prob':\bly save him from the 

nger of convincing the people of the United States, that 

never was deserving the second place in the government, 

i it might save him from meeting the heart-renoing de- 

nciatiou of the American people to be pronounced by their 

tes, " That he who cannot wait patiently four years for his 

,f turn, to receive the highest reward destuied by them for 

•ir most meritorious, most skilful Patriot, never, 7k;iJ(?r was 

rthy of such high Reward.'* 

^,, Washington City ^ February 27, 1808. 

No. VIII. 

Who is to be the next President? 

Among the many productions of genius on this important 

subject, a number of essays which smell strong of the syco- 

fihancy of this city, have made their appearance in a Nev/- 

York paper. They bear the signature oi Amicus, and it is ' 

E 



[50 J 

pretty well understood that they have originated within th^ 
purlieus of one of the great offices. 

This Amicus vainly endeavors to draw a veil of sophistry 
over the anti-constitutional attempt of a few of the members 
of Congress to force on the nation their caucus President,-^ 
Although I do not intend to follow him through all the chan« 
ges in which he has sung the praise of his patron-^altiiough 
I intend to leave it to the good sense of tne republic.^ns of 
New-York to reward him for his surreptitious and inbOient 
behaviour in breaking into that state, and endeavoring to 
piiim himself on that virtuous people as their fellow citizen, 
weeping with more than crocodile tears over them for tear 
they should have a -wish to see the patriot who has led tnem 
through trials and diiiiculties innumerable, indescribable, 
and almost insurmountable, to triumph, and to what is more 
th-iU all the rest, to the honor of self-government. tor 
fe r I say that they should wish to see this patriot receive 
fr nn the hcind of a ^rattful nation that reward which is naost 
pre-eminently appropriate for such great achievements for 
such a wise, fervent, and well directed zeal in the best (if 
causes, I mean the clearing away the difficulties, and the lay- 
ing the foundation of a powerful Republic, which is now the 
Avorld's last hope, and long destined, I trust, to remain the 
reddence of the arts, the nursery of science, and the a- 
sylum of virtue. 

Although 1 intend to leave it to tha friends of Mr. Mon- 
roe to chastise the insolence of this false Amicus for stiling 
them " a little factious junto in Virginia, who are laboring 
to spread dissatisfaction throughout the land."— 'although I 
am sensible it will be labor lost to advise this rare Amicus to 
read the constitution, oi to attempt to rouse his faculties suf- 
ficiently to understand that constitution, I will tell him, and 
the world, that Mr. Clinton derived his appointment as 
Vice-president from his own fair fame, which had spread far 
and wide, from Georgia to Maine, from the Atlantic to the 
Western Lakes ; he derived it from a predeliction of the 
American people to reward merit, and entrust those they j 
have long tried aud found faithful. He had no need of a Cau- 
cus. He had no need, like another gentleman, of sycophancy 
and intrigue. With shame it ©ught to be remembered there I 
was a congressional caucus in the capitol at Washington feuv 
years ago for the very purpose of arranging for Mr. Madi- 
son's elevation to the Presidential chair, and the name oi| 
Oeorge Clinton was there, mthQut hk knoiffled^e or coment. 



? 51 ir 

made use of. He was at Albany in the execution of his dup- 
lies as Governor of his native state, far disttint from the walks 
of thee vvho have for many years been planning and con- 
certing- for the succession of the Presidency to Virgin ia. He 
contented himself with the honor his native state v/as willing 
to bestow, and wliich had ever been given without anticipa- 
tion. He hov/ever cheerfully obeyed the call of a grateful 
nation to accept the second office in the government, and 
nov/ th.it the first office is becoming vacant, he has a right 
to expect that nation is disposed to give it to him. The 
caucus intriguers knew the nation rjas so disposed, and to 
divert them from that honest, that correct, that natural dis- 
position, the caucus was held, and its doings solemnly pub- 
lished. 

It is too well known in this city, and the nation will see it 
when the matter is explained, that the caucus in the capitol 
in 1 8Q4 was raised for the express purpose of promoting; 
Mr. Madison's elevation to the Presidency in 1809 11! Al- 
though that gentleman's particular friends had raised the 
caucus, and had the moulding of it, or at least the majority 
of it, to their ov/n views, such was their dread of the prede- 
iiction the American people have for rotation^ and the dis- 
tribution of the great offices of the nation, that they dare not 
bring forward Mr. Madison for Vice-President while a Vir- 
ginia President was expected to fill the chair. They knew 
very well, that notwithstanding all their high sounding words 
about the freedom of choice, about their superiorly exalted 
characters in Virginia and the constitutional right the peo- 
ple of the United States have to choose Virginian Presi- 
dents forever— rthey knew it would be considered an insula 
on the other states, to nominate a Vice-President, for the 
same term that a Virginia President would exercise the pow- 
ers of the government. Notwithstanding all this clamor they 
know it will not do to take President, Vice-President, Secre- 
taries of State, War and Navy ; Judges of the Supreme 
Court, Ambassadors, and heads ol other departments, from 
Virginia, or any other one state ; they know and feel that in 
proportion as the appointment of public officers approaches 
that accumulation, in that proportion will the body of tie peo- 
ple be disaffected. But they thought, in 1804, f.nd stiij con- 
tinue to think, that a shadonv of rotation may be passed on the 
nation for the substance^ and that by one kind oi intrigue and 
another, the thing may be so ri,rag:'d \\\cX the state of Virgi- 
nia siiall always give the Bresioejit. In order, tliereioie^ that 



E 52 1 

Mr. Madison should be certain of the Presideilty in 1809, 
hi:; frien-ls, the creators and managers of the Caucus in 1804, 
aftei tai liu^ a Ion ij time about Colonel L.uigdon, oi .vew- 
Hamp )hire, and ?4r. Lincohi, of Massachusetts, and ..[ter 
ror.ndly assertini^; (in euch a way as to obt.dn pretty general 
credit, as they thoujjht) that Governor Clinton's advc.nced 
age and bodily infirmity would prevent his friends from ever 
brin:;ing him forward as a candidate for the Presidency, they 
concluded on his nomin.Ltiun. Perhaps some of Governor 
Clinton's friends were induced to seem to yield to this kind 
of policy. His ill state of health was so strenuously insisted 
upon, that many of his friends, even the writer of this essay 
^ave credit to it. Some refused to attend the caucus on con- 
stitutional grounds, some because they would not be guilty 
of playing upon the feelings of the venerable Clinton, and e- 
veii some of his most substantial friends voted on the one or 
©ther of these groim is. for Brackenridge, Langdon, Lincoln, 
or Granger, Notwi hstanding all this, the venerc^^le states- 
man, because nis friends will not yield to see him caucussed 
out of the honor and confidence a grat-./ul nation has in store 
for him, is now insultingly told that he owe* his elevation to a 
caucus, and to that very caucus which was projected and col- 
lected for the express purpose of elevating Mr. Madison to 
the Presidency 1 ! I Senator Bradley's modest invitation calls 
the invited to linish the business in 1808, which was com- 
menced in 18jQ4!— ?vir. Bradley, when he brandishes his cau- 
cus sctfitrc in 1808, tells you it was given to him in 1804, and 
was he disposed to tell the truth for once^ the public no doubt 
would be informed that that sceptre was at that time confided 
to him for the express purpose of hoisting "Ir. Ivladison into 
the Presidential chair in 1809! Had he failed to brandish 
that sceptre, his employers would have despised him, and he 
probably would have fallen short of the reward due to zeal 
and perseveriJi:.e. 

I Cannot but regret the pain this exposure must give Go- 
vemor Clinton, to see how he has been treated, and to Air. 
Madison, to see how he has been led to place dependence on 
this cobweb policy. The exposure has become necessary.— 
It has been provoked by the insolence of his friends in impu- 
dently imputing to the focus of their own artifices and in- 
trigue Governor Clinton's elevation to the Vice-Presidency. 
The exposure is due to the honest people of the United 
States. They ought to know how their sacred rights ot e- 
Jecting their great officers, guaranteed to themselves by the 



C 53 ] 

constitution, has been attempted to be caucussed away fmra 
them by the arisrocradc lew. 

We ..retold by tnis yl mi cus in a Ne^vy amicable manner indeedy 
that the pen o^^lmericanun hc.s become *^ the drudge in the ser- 
vice of caltann'i^* Tids writer, whose rancor seenis to enve- 
lope the person who reads him,asif he was enwraptin a cloud, 
overcnarged with virulence, scattering its sprays on all that 
'hear him read. This writer has the imfiudenceto talk of calum- 
ny ! Is it posdble ray Ae^x Amicus to calumniate a self-created 
caucus, when attempting to rob the American peopie of the 
right of freely electing their own chief magistrate in a consti- 
tutional way ? As well might the midnight robber cry out 
calnmnij I when you had caught him in the act of robbing your 
hen roost I Is it calumny ^ to expose the folly of Mr. V;adison*s 
eulogists in their tergiversations, m the weak manner in which 
they defend a bad cause? Or, is it calumny to say that George 
Clinton and James Monroe are more worthy to be entrusted 
with the high powers the constitution attaches to that office, and 
that they are either of them more capable, in my opinion, of 
performing the duties of that station than Mr. Madison?— 
If this is calumny I fear your rebuke is altogether lost upon 
me, as I am too far gone in all probality to be reclaimed by 
your gentle admonitions. In saying this — in repeating it, I 
mean not to criminate, or calumniate Mr. Vadison. No. He 
maybe a very good man, andiiU this be true. He may be misled 
by the sycophants around him. Neither do I charge the elec- 
tioneering sins of those sycofihants and office hunters at his 
^oor. They adore the power he is possessed of, they are de- 
ceived themselves by the glare of this power, and they de- 
ceive him. He ought to know that it is /iower, these crea- 
tures worship, not Mr. Madison. These things are neces- 
sarily connected with such a world as this we live in ; in- 
deed, I am so far from having any enmity or ill wil^towards the 
secretary of state, that in case he should be elected President 
(which by the way I think very far from being probable, at 
the ensuing election, and I fear the folly, the zeal and the 
pertinacity of his friends will destroy his future prospects,) 
I Gould set down with him, and in an amicable manner justi- 
tify every syllable that has or may be written concerning this 
election, by the pen of 

Washington Cit.yr^ 



[ 54 3 

Extract of a letter to James M&dison, esq. luhich appeared in 

the Baltimore Whig in February^ 1808. 
Sir, 

As it is not novel to see a letter addressed to you in a 
news-paper, I will make no ether apology for this, than -to 
assure you that it comes not frcm an enemy. Your eulogist, 
the editor of the Register at Washington, says, you never 
had a personal enemy for a cause that could be avowed. The 
writer of this ever scorned to entertain an enmity, the cause 
of which he would not avow : although, after more than thirty 
years critical observation of the American theatre, always 
keeping a Register by which to form a scale for my own es- 
timation of the merit, talents and correctness of those who 
liave been actors on that stage ; I have not been able to raise 
you nearer the head of my list of eminent worthies, than the 
iifteenth ; I am far, very far from being your enemy. 

The design of this etter is, really, to point out to you the 
road to permanent, honest, and honorable elevation ; to the 
verge of which, accident, moi'e than extraordinary merit, has 
l)rought you. If you possess Mdsdom and fortitude sufhcient 
to step forward in that road, your name may be recorded in 
the page of future history, among your nation's most deserv- 
ing favorites. 

It is a common place saying, that every man has it in his 
power, once at least in his life, to make his fortune Almost 
every axiom which applies in private, applies also in political 
life. This common place saying has never been more strike 
ingly verified than it is now, as it respects yourself. Be con- 
tent with the station the nature of your pretensions, your 
talents and standing in the nation, entitle you to. 

Seek not an undue elevation. 

Recollect, Sir, that Aaron Burr, who has become a traitor, 
a convict, a bankrupt, an outcast— damned to the lowest 
pitch of degradation — commenced his career of folly and 
wickedness, in an untimely and improper attempt to force 
himnelfinto the Presidential Chair. I do not mean to com- 
pare you to Aaron Burr. No Sir. That man sustained a 
distinguished character for greatness. . He would be great 
in -villainy^ if he could be great no otherwise. The charact- 
er attributed to you by your most intimate acquaintance, 5^wa- 
rantees yoti from all danger of becoming a great knave. You 
may, however, by a like unseasonable attempt to climb to the 
Presidential Chair, meet with a fall, fro-m which it lyiU be 
impossible for you ever to recover. 



